HISTORY

NIZAMS

In 1722 the Nizam received news that his province of Gujarat and his son's province of Malva were overrun by the Marathas and he, therefore obtained permission to leave Delhi for the purpose of expelling the intruders. While he was setting the affairs of Malva in order, he learnt that Mubariz Khan, the subhedar of Hyderabad, whom he had believed to be devoted to his interests, had been bribed by the Sayyads with the promise of the viceroyalty of the Deccan to take up arms against him and was even marching to meet him.

Asaf Jah advanced southwards to Aurangabad, whence he wrote to Mubariz Khan cautioning him to refrain from breaking the peace. Mubariz Khan paid no heed to the warning, but pressed on in the endeavour to turn Asaf Jah's flank, being anxious to fight with his back to Delhi, whence he expected support. Asaf Jah anticipated this design and moved eastwards from Aurangabad with the object of thwarting it, and in the meanwhile sent daily letters to Mubariz Khan, urging him to refrain from hostilities. The inducement that had been held out to Mubariz Khan was too strong for him, and he continued his march northwards, evaded Asaf Jah, crossed the southern Purna river, and entered the Buldhana district, Asaf Jah, finding that the enemy had evaded him, turned northwards in pursuit, and succeeded in crossing the southern Purna river and defeating a force which Mubariz Khan had left to guard the forts. Meanwhile Mubariz Khan was making good his position at Sakar-khelda in the Mehkar tahsil, where Asaf Jah encountered him on 30th September 1724. The results of the battle between the opposing forces settled the fate of Berar for a century and quarter.

The vanguard of Asaf Jah, who was now advancing northwards, was commanded by Kadir Dad Khan, who was closely related to his leader, and the right of this force was commanded by Talib Muhiyuddin Khan, Asaf Jah's cousin, and the left by Muzaffar Khan, another relation of Asaf Jah's. The advanced guard, with some artillery, was commanded by Kunvar Chand, the Bundela, with whom were associated Barkandaz Khan and Ata Yar Khan, commanders of the artillery. With the right wing of Asaf Jah's army were Ivaz Khan, Saiyid Jamal Khan, Mukarrab Khan. Khan-i-Alam, the Deccani, Mutahawwir Khan, and Aziz Beg Khan, and with the right centre were Zahir-ud-daulah Riayat Khan and Muhammad Ghiyas Khan. The left was commanded by Zahir-ud-daulah Abdur Rahim Khan. Asaf Jah's uncle, with whom was associated Saiyid Ghazanfar Khan Burhanpuri. With the left centre were Hirzullah Khan and Bahadur Dil Khan and the centre was commanded by Asaf Jah in person. Mubariz Khan's army was arranged as follows: the vanguard was commanded by Ghalib Khan and Husain Munaw-war Khan, and the advanced guard by Muhammad Beg Khan. Ibrahim Khan, otherwise known as Bahadur Khan, commanded the right wing, and Abdul Fattah Khan the left, Mubariz Khan commanded the centre and had with him the Khan-i-Zaman, son of the Khan-i-Khanan, Munawwar Khan, Kizilbash Khan, Faik Khan, Arab Beg Khan Turani, and Mir Yusuf Khan. Mubariz Khan first advanced to the attack moving over ground much broken by. nallah against Asaf Jah's centre. The fight was fiercely contested, but Asaf Jah's loss was slight, except in elephants. Asad Khan and Masud Khan, two of Mubariz Khan's sons, were slain, and Mahmud Khan and Hamid-ullah Khan, his two other sons, were wounded and captured. The driver of Mubariz Khan's elephant fell, covered with wounds, and his master took his place and so fled from the field, but fell before he could reach a place of safety. On the next day the slain were counted and it was found that more than three thousand of Mubariz Khan's army had fallen and that large numbers of horses had been destroyed. Of Asaf Jah's army his uncle Riayat Khan and Sulaiman Khan were slain and Saiyid Ghazanfar Khan was mortally wounded. Other casualties were few, and no other officer of distinction was slain or seriously wounded. The date is an important one in the history of Berar, of which the Buldhana district formed a part and the Deccan; for the battle of Sakarkhelda established the virtual independence of the Deccan under the Nizam of Hyderabad. Neither Chin Kilich Khan Nizam-ul-Mulk nor any of his successors at Hyderabad ever assumed the style of independent sovereigns, but they settled questions of succession among themselves, made all appointments in the six subhas of the Deccan and behaved in all respects as independent rulers with the exception that their coin bore the name of the reigning emperor and that the imperial recognition of each succession was purchased by large presents and professions of subservience.

Marathas.— It must not, however, be supposed that the Nizams of Hyderabad exercised undisputed sway over their wide dominions. Several years before the battle of Fatehkhelda the imperial officers in the Deccan had entered into a humiliating compact with the Marathas under the terms of which the latter were allowed, in consideration of their abstention from ravaging the country, to levy an impost known as chauth, amounting to one-quarter of the land revenue, and a further contribution known as sardesh-mukhi amounting to one-tenth of the revenue to cover the cost of collecting the chauth. This agreement had been in force for some years when, in 1719. it was formally ratified by the advisers of the emperor Farrukhsiyar at Delhi. Asaf Jah's sovereignty was, therefore. Subject to this limitation, which seems to have been accepted by him and his officers as part of the established order of things. So far as Berar was concerned the Mokasdar or recognized collector of chauth and sardeshmukhi was the Bhosle Raja of Nagpur, and the effects of this dual system of government are well described by Sir Alfred Lyall: " Whenever, the emperor or the Nizam appointed a jagirdar the Marathas appointed another, and both claimed the revenue, while foragers from each side exacted forced contributions; so that the harassed cultivator often threw up his land and helped to plunder his neighbour. The Maratha by these means succeeded in fixing his hold on this province: but its resources were dilapidated, and its people must have been seriously demoralized by a regime of barefaced plunder and fleecing, without attempt at principle or stability ". This brief extract describes generally the condition of the Buldhana district between the years 1724 and 1803. We may now turn to the activities of the Bhosles in Berar. Kanhoji, the son of Parsoji Bhosle. not only established firmly the Maratha power in Berar and Gondvana but also laid the foundation of its future in Orissa. His headquarters being at Bham, the Bhosles are referred to even no to the treaty of 1803 with the English, as the Rajas of Berar. However, the relations of Kanhoji with Shahu were no more cordial. Kanhoji had looked after Raghuji, the son of Bimbaji, his cousin, but now by the blessings of the Saint Ramajipant of Pandavgad near Wai, he had a son, Rayaji and his attention to Raghuji was no more undivided. Raghuji, leaving Kanhoji had joined Shahu and had even once saved the life of Shahu when he was attacked by a ferocious tiger. Shahu gave the daughter of Shirke, the sister of his wife Sagunabai to Raghuji in marriage. Kanhoji's rule, again, according to the contemporary reports seems to be oppressive.

Ranoji, after his return from Delhi, joining with Raghuji, demanded their share of the hereditary rights in Bhosle principality. Shahu, first through the good offices of Balaji Vishvanath, and later, himself tried to conciliate them. Raghuji and Ranoji were asked to serve under Kanhoji which they refused to do. However, Kanhoji and Fatehsingh Bhosle had accompanied Bajirav and Raghuji Bhosle on their Karnatak expedition during 1725—27.

Kanhoji had constantly failed to submit accounts of jahagir to Shahu and evaded revenue payments to the Maratha State exchequer. Sensing the trouhle, Kanhoji left Satara, in a hurry without taking Shahu's permission. Kanhoji left for Kumtha on 23rd August 1725 in the afternoon and next day, reached Tasgaon via Kanherkhed and Pusesavali. Shahu despatched two prominent Maratha chiefs to pursue Kanhoji and not being satisfied with this arrangement, himself set out with Yamaji Shivdev. Shahu, however, returned from Vadgaon being persuaded to do so by Yamaji Shivdev who took the responsibility to bring Kanhoji to book. Avaji Kavade, Bajirav's sardar in Berar and all the Maratha chiefs on Kanhoji's road to Berar were instructed instantly by Shahu to arrest Kanhoji wherever possible.

Kanhoji, however, joined the Nizam, evading all the vigilance of the Marathas. Shahu remonstrated to the Nizam strongly, declaring that the Nizam had broken the earlier treaty with the Marathas, by giving refuge to Kanhoji and it appears that the Nizam refused to give quarters to Kanhoji. Finally, through the good counsel of Yesaji Siddheshvar, Shahu and Kanhoji were brought on friendly terms, but even these proved to be short lived.

Shahu despatched Raghuji Bhosle against Kanhoji and gave Devur in jahagir to. Raghuji anticipating his good services [The actual sanad is, dated 22nd November 1731, but Raghuji was to leave his family here and to march ahead. The Bhosles were called hereditary Rajas of Devur on this account. Kale, Nagpur Prantacha Itihas, p. 60.]. Govindrav Chitnis, Fatehsingh Bhosle and Shripatrav Pratinidhi had helped Raghuji's cause, from the very beginning. Raghuji was explicitly asked not to repeat Kanhoji's insolence and to pay regular tribute to the Maratha State. Konhereram Kolhatkar paid one lakh rupees to Shahu towards guarantee for Raghuji's loyal conduct. Konhereram demanded in return the office of sikkenavis which was granted by Raghuji. Anant Bhat Chitale was appointed by Shahu, in charge of the audits of Raghuji's jahagir. Raghuji was given the title of Sena Saheb Subha by Shahu on this occasion.

Raghuji, setting out. to meet Kanhoji, was obstructed, near Jalna by Samsher Bahadar Santaji Atole, but Dinkar Vinayak and Shivaji Vinayak from Raghuji's camp, finding one Yeshvant-rav Pilaji, their relation in Santaji's camp conciliated matters, averting a clash and Raghuji advanced further. Raghuji started collecting chauth and sardeshmukhi in Berar, in the name of Shahu. He entered Berar through Lakhanvada ghat and from Balapur, divided his army of 30,000 horse, despatching sections in all directions of Berar. He defeated Shujayat Khan, the deputy of Navab of Ellichpur in the neighbourhood of Ellichpur.

Having established himself firmly in Berar, Raghuji now turned towards Kanhoji. Kanhoji too had prepared himself for adequate defence by fortifying Bham thoroughly. Raghuji set out from Balapur, reached Amravati and further marched to Tale-gaon. Kanhoji meanwhile was negotiating with the Nizam through Hirjulla Khan, subhedar of Mahur. Vasudev Pant, his vakil, had been sent to Aurangabad for this purpose. Raghuji and his uncle Ranoji laid siege to the fort of Bham. Kanhoji's sardar, Tukoji Gujar was killed in action. However, Kanhoji escaped to Mahur pursued hotly by Raghuji and Ranoji. Both the armies met near Wani at Mandor and Kanhoji submitted [When Kanhoji was surrounded on all sides by Raghuji's armv, Raghuji giving him the due respect, requested him to sit in the palanquin, but Kanhoji being very hot-tempered abused Raghuji, with the result that Raghuji finally had to put him under guard.]. Raghuji took him to Shahu, who put him in custody at Satara where he died subsequently. Raghuji's army was stationed at Rajur for six more years.

It may here be pointed out that the relations between the Marathas and the Nizam were strained due to the attempt of the latter to seduce Shahu's Sena Saheb Subha, Kanhoji Bhosle and his Sar Lashkar Sultanji Nimbalkar. The matters came to a head when Nizam tried to play Sambhaji of Kolhapur against Shahu and when his officers along with the Maratha noblemen who had gone over to his side raided and carried depredations in the territory of svarajya, Bajirav took up the challenge and directed his officers to contain the activities of the Nizam. Fatehsingh and Raghuji Bhosle encountered Chandrasen Jadhav, who had defected to the Nizam and defeated him after a sanguinary action. Bajirav also leaving Pune in September 1727 proceeded through Berar, ravaged Mahur and passing through the district of Buldhana, moved towards Khandesh. Nizam-ul-Mulk, who had in the meanwhile occupied Pune, on hearing of Bajirav's movements marched northwards towards Aurangabad as anticipated by Bajirav. When the Nizam was at Palkhed, Bajirav suddenly attacked him on 25th February 1728 and surrounded his position. With no chances of succour, the Nizam surrendered and signed the treaty of Mungi Shevgaon on 6th March 1728. Under the terms of the treaty the Nizam agreed that all administrative or diplomatic measures for the Government of the six subhas should be executed through the agency of the Marathas and also confirmed the previous grants of svarajya and sardeshmukhi. From now onwards the subhas of the Deccan, including the subha of Berar came under dual management of the Marathas and the Nizam in regard to the collection of chauth and sardeshmukhi in which the dominant partners were the Marathas.

After the battle of Palkhed Bajirav decided to invade Malva, Chimaji, his brother, taking the western route through Baglan and Khandesh and Bajirav, the western route through Ahmad-nagar, Berar, Chandrapur and Devgad towards Bundelkhand Chimaji defeated and killed Giridhar Bahadur, the subhedar of Malva in the battle fought at Amjhera on 29th November 1728. Bajirav received the news of this victory while he was in Berar and he instructed his brother quickly to follow up the action at Amjhera. From Berar Bajirav proceeded to Devgad and from thence to Bundelkhand whose chief Chhatrasal had sent an urgent appeal to him to be rescued from the clutches of Muhammad Bangash. Bajirav humbled Bangash and returned to Pune. The subsequent developments such as Maratha incursions into Gujarat, the submission of Sambhaji of Kolhapur to Shahu, the humbling of the Dabhade at Dabhai do not concern the history of Buldhana and could be passed over. Thev are important only in the context of the overall history of the Deccan in that these events paved the way for an understanding between the Peshwa and the Nizam when thev met at Rohe Rameshvar on 27th December 1732. This understanding was, however, shortlived and the later years saw estrangement between the two, leading to the route of the Nizam at Bhopal in December 1737 by Bajirav ably assisted bv Raghuji Bhosle, the new Sena Saheb Subha, Damaji Gaikwad and Avii Kavade. In 1739 Delhi was rocked by the invasion of Nadir Shah and Nizam-ul-Mulk who marched towards Delhi was humiliated by the invader to his utter discomfiture. In the meanwhile Raghuji Bhosle bad seized the province of Berar which the Nizam considered as his own exclusive possession. In retaliation Nasir Jang, the son of Nizam-ul-Mulk marched northward to invade the Peshva's domain but was routed by Bajirav near Aurangabad. A treaty was formally concluded at Mungi Shevgaon on 27th February 1740 and was ceremoniously ratified at a personal meeting between the two chiefs on 3rd March at Pimpalgaon. Bajirav died soon afterwards on 28th April 1740 and was succeeded to the Peshvaship by his son Balaii Bajirav alias Nana Saheb. Nana Saheb decided to acquire the subha of Malva which he did by making friends with the Rajput prince Jaysinh who impressed upon the emperor the necessity of granting the subha of Malva to the Marathas. On 4th July 1741 the deed was ratified under the emperor's seal. When the Maratha affairs were thus flourishing ill-feeling began to develop between the Peshva and Raghuji Bhosle. The latter had acquired as early as 1738 a sanad from Shahu which stated that "the subhas of Lucknow, Maksudabad, Bundelkhand, Allahabad, Patna, Dacca and Bihar are made over as Raghuji's field of activity". This was in addition to the province of Berar in which Raghuji had already established himself at Bham, sixteen miles south of Yeotmal and of which the chauth and sardeshmukhi were regularly collected by him. The Nizam had recognised formally Raghuji Bhosle as the Mokasadar of Berar, that is an assignee of a share of the revenues, which he was authorised to collect through his own officers. As stated earlier in 1738, immediately after he acquired the above sanad from Shahu, Raghuji strengthened his position by attacking and defeating Shujat Khan, the governor of Berar, in the neighbourhood of Ellichpur. The desire of the Peshva in such a situation to extend his influence in the northern and eastern parts of India brought him at crossroads with the Bhosle and a conflict between the two seemed inevitable. A short but indecisive action was fought between the forces of the Peshva and Raghuji Bhosle on 10th April 1743 in the narrow pass of Bendu near Pachet. However, before the matters could take a turn for the worse, Shahu brought about a reconci-liation between the two. An agreement was signed by both on 31st August 1743 at Satara by which all the territory from Berar to the east right up to Cuttack, Bengal and Lucknow was assigned to Raghuji with which the Peshva bound himself not to interfere and the territory west of this line including Ajmer, Agra, Prayag and Malva were to be the exclusive spheres of the Peshva [Aiti. Patravyahahar 35—39; Raj. Vol. 2, pp. 98-99.].

The particular reference to Berar in this agreement is of significance. Well before the acquisition of the sanads for collecting chauth and sardeshmukhi from the six subhas of the Deccan, the Marathas were already forcing the Moghal officers to part with their share of the revenues of the six subhas including the subha of Berar. Not only that but in many instances the Marathas appointed their officers to work side by side with the officers of the Moghals, before 1724 and then of the Nizam subsequent to the declaration of independence by the latter. Sometimes they even collected the whole revenue of the province and handed over the residue of the same to the officers of the Nizam after appropriating their own share. As stated before after Parasoji Bhosle, Kanhoji was appointed the Sena Saheb Subha but as he proved to be of a refractory nature, Shahu dismissed him and appointed his nephew, Raghuji Bhosle to the post of Sena Saheb Subhaship [Shahu ordered Raghuji to arrest his uncle Kanhoji. Raghuji defeated Kanhoji at Mandar in Yeotmal district and sent him as a prisoner to Shahu at Satara.]. Like his predecessors Raghuji established himself at Bham as noted previously. The rivalry between the Peshvas and the Bhosles was not merely confined to the northern and eastern regions of India but extended to Berar though in a smaller degree, because of the specific rights of mokasa and inam which the Peshvas acquired from the Chhatrapatis of Satara and the Nizam. It may be interesting to note that Peshva Balaji Vishva-nath got in inam from Shahu 2 villages in Berar. Bajirav also obtained certain mokasa in jahagir in Berar from Shahu. In a document pertaining to the year 1740-41 a complete list of mokasa jahagir enjoyed by Bajirav is detailed as below: —

After the death of Bajirao Peshva, Balaji Bajirav was confirmed in these mokasa villages by Shahu in 1741, the sanad clearly stating that the grant of mokasa is in lieu of the salary. A copy of the orders regarding the grant of such mokasa from time to time and their confirmation by the Chhatrapati were dispatched to the Sena Saheb Subha, Bhosle, who were responsible for the collection of chauth and sardeshmukhi of the province of Berar and also to the local officers such as the village officer and the Deshmukh and the Deshpande. The Peshvas were not the only recipients of such mokasa jahagir in Berar but other officers in the Court of the Chhatrapati also enjoyed the mokasa jahagirs in Berar [A document of the year 1752 lists the Mokasa jahagir in Berar of Khanderao Kashi, a Judge in the Maratha Court.]. It would thus seem that the interests not only of the Nizam and the Bhosle were involved in the affairs of Berar but also those of the Peshva. This naturally proved a bone of contention in the wider conflict between the Peshva and the Bhosles. The reconciliation brought about by Shahu between Balaji Bajirav and Raghuji Bhosle put an end at least temporarily to the rivalry between the two. The activities of Raghuji Bhosle during the subsequent years as also those of Balaji Bajirav need not detain us here, though involving as they did the expansion of Maratha influence in the eastern and northern India, they had very little bearing on the history of Buldhana, which continued under the dual administration of the Nizam and the Bhosle. On 15th December 1749 Shahu died. Exactly a year and a half before on 21st May 1748 had died the Nizam. The death of Shahu brought the conflicts of the Maratha principals in the open. The successors of the Nizam were not slow in taking advantage of this disunity among the Marathas and the history of Maratha-Nizam relations from now onwards has a considerable bearing upon the history of Buldhana district.

Shahu was succeeded by Ramraja as the Chhatrapati of Satara. The domestic trouble in the Maratha Court reached a crisis immediately after the accession of Ramraja due to the attitude of Tarabai, the wife of Rajaram who conspired against the Peshva. The Peshva called Raghuji Bhosle and the Maratha nobility to Pune including Shinde, Holkar, Somvamshi, Ramchandra Bava, Purandare, etc. The assembly of these noblemen consented to the proposal of the Peshva that the executive power in the state must remain in the hands of the Peshva with Raghuji Bhosle whole-heartedly supporting the Peshva. It thus became clear that Raghuji did not want to entangle himself in the affairs of the Maratha Court but desired a free hand in the politics of the eastern region leaving the Peshva free to deal with the affairs of the Maratha Court as he deemed fit.

Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah was succeeded in the Deccan by his son Nasir Jang. In 1750 Nasir Jang was murdered. Muzaffar Jang, Asaf Jah's grandson by his daughter, succeeded him. He too was murdered and was succeeded by his brother Salabat Jang, who, on the death of Sayyad Sharif Khan Shujat Jang in June, 1752, appointed Sayyad Lashkar Khan to the vacant appointment of subhedar of Berar. In the same year Gazi-ud-din Khan, the eldest son of Asaf Jah, having been appointed by the emperor Ahmad Shah, viceroy of the Deccan, advanced as far as Aurang-abad to secure his heritage, but in Aurangabad he died suddenly from cholera according to one account, but according to another, from the poison administered by or at the instance of Salabat Jang's mother. In November, 1752, war broke out between the Marathas and the Nizam. The latter was surrounded at Bhalki and forced to surrender. Under the terms of the treaty then signed the whole of the western half of the then province of Berar between the rivers Godavari and the Tapi including most of the Buldhana district was ceded to the Marathas by the Nizam. This demarcation of the Nizam's territory had practically existed to the present day. Salabat Jang spent the rainy season of 1753 in Aurangabad where Sayyad Lashkar Khan, subhedar of Berar, who had now received the title of Rukn-ud-daula was appointed vazir of the Deccan, which appointment he resigned after a few months, leaving the finances of the State in a deplorable condition. Gazi-ud-din Khan, in order to attach the Marathas to his cause, had assigned to them the revenue of all the northern district of the Deccan and Raghuji Bhosle, on the pretext of Gazi-ud-din's promise, had collected and retained the whole of the revenue of Berar. One of the first acts of Samsam-ud-daula, who had succeeded Rukn-ud-daula as minister, was to send against Raghuji an army which succeeded in forcing him to disgorge five lakhs of rupees, an utterly inadequate share of his plunder. On 14th February 1755, Raghuji Bhosle died and Rukn-ud-daula returned to Berar as subhedar. He was displaced in 1756 in favour of Mir Nizam Ali, the brother of Salabat Jang who on his appointment as subhedar of Berar received the title of Nizam-ud-daula. Nizam-ud-daula now marched into Berar, where his presence was required and encamped at Ellichpur.

Raghuji, on his death, left behind four sons, Janoji, Mudhoji, Bimbaji, and Sabaji. Janoji, being the eldest, claimed the Sena Saheb Subhaship. However, Mudhoji who had been to Gavilgad, hearing the news of Raghuji's death, hastened to Nagpur to assert his own claim, as he was Raghuji's son by his elder wife. Janoji preparing himself, despatched Jayaji to capture Gavilgad. Meeting Mudhoji on the way, Jayaji pretended himself a friend of Mudhoji and secured the office of killedar (fort-keeper) of Gavilgad from Mudhoji. Jayaji immediately informed Janoji that Gavilgad was in his possession. Mudhoji, however, exacted tributes from Berar and was well supported by Sadashiv Hari and the Deshmukh of Parole. Moreover, Dinkar Vinayak Prabhu, Shivaji Vinayak Prabhu and Narsingrav Bhavani had joined Mudhoji with their armies. But Janoji was supported by Babu-rav Konher, Kolhatkar (Mujamdar), Rakhmaji Ganesh Chitnavis, Trimbakji Raje Bhosle, Krishnaji Govind, the Maratha subhedar of Berar, Narhar Ballal (Risbud) and Shivahu Sathe, the Maratha subhedar of Cuttack. All the elderly nobility including Raghuji Karande, Bimbaji Wanjal, Nanhoji Jachak, Shivaji Keshav Tal-kute, Girmaji Khanderav, Anandrav Wagh, Krishnaji Atole, too, supported Janoji. At last Trimbakji Raje Bhosle and Baburav Konher, reaching Pune, paid Rs. 2½ lakhs to the Peshva as Bhosle's tribute to the Maratha State and secured the office of Sena Saheb Subha for Janoji.

The Bhosle armies clashed twice or three times in Berar but the Peshva reconciled the two, declaring Mudhoji Senadhurandhar. The new jahagir in Chandrapur and Chhattisgad were respectively granted by the Peshva to Mudhoji and Bimbaji in 1757. Sabaji was at his headquarters at Daravhe in Berar [The official sanad was granted, however, by Tarabai on 6th August 1761 when Madhavrav was the Peshva.]. The Gond King of Chandrapur, taking advantage of the dissensions in the Bhosle house, had taken possession of the fort of Chandrapur. Hence, Mudhoji, setting out from Ellichpur, captured the Chandrapur fort.

Here we must revert to the story of the Peshva's relations with Navab Salabat Jang of Hyderabad, resuming the thread of the time from the peace of Bhalki in December, 1752. Bussy was called upon to face the machinations of the two old and able servants of the State, Sayyad Lashkar Khan and Shah Navaz Khan, who became greatly jealous of his power and control of the administration, giving rise to murder and secret plots at the Nizam's Court to which ultimately Salabat Jang fell a prey.

While Bussy had been reducing Savanur in the summer of 1756, his master Salabat Jang wishing to be rid of this overbearing and grasping servant, sent him on 18th May, an order that he had been dismissed from service. This was the result of the serious alarm which Indian powers began to feel at the increasing domination which the English and the French began to exercise through their superior military organization. As soon as the Peshva learnt of Bussy's dismissal, he offered to engage him in his own service and to all appearances this was agreed to by both the parties. But Bussy was a master tactician, intent upon impressing the Indian powers with a premonition that hereafter the Europeans were to be the masters in India. Bussy quietly said yes to every request that was made to him and asked for passports to proceed to Masulipatan after a few days stay at Hyderabad to collect his effects. The Peshva even gave him his own escort on the way. With his whole following Bussy reached Hyderabad in June and took up his residence at the grand old edifice known as the Char Minar in the centre of the town, where he so fortified himself by means of his powerful artillery that he could not be dislodged. Salabat Jang came soon after with all his forces, but could make no effect upon Bussy's position during a stiff contest that raged for four months. In the end Salabat Jang was completely humbled and gave a written agreement to Bussy on 16th November reinstating him in his former position. After srranging his affairs in Hyderabad, Bussy left for Masulipatan to manage the lucrative districts he had obtained in the northern, sarkars, for the expenses of his army. He returned to Hyderabad in September, 1757. Had not the fortunes of the French so thoroughly waned during the Seven Years' War, it is clear that Bussy could never have been dislodged from the Nizam's State.

What with his grasping French auxiliary Bussy, and what with the increasing power of the Peshva in his neighbourhood, Salabat Jang's position began rapidly to grow weaker. The lesson taught by Bussy at the Char Minar did not fail to impress the Peshva also. He openly demanded from Salabat Jang all the north Godavari region under a threat of resorting to arms. Bussy was then away and Shah Navaz Khan did not resist the Peshva's demand. This was too much for the spirited brother of Salabat Jang, Nizam AH to bear. Guided by a clever Hindu diplomat Vithal Sundar, Nizam Ali enlisted the services of another of Bussy's captains Ibrahim Khan (later of Panipat fame). The Khan brought with him 2,500 trained infantry and fifteen guns on an annual payment of one lac. Shah Navaz Khan, feeling nervous about his own safety when Nizam Ali thus began to assert himself, took prompt possession of the Fort of Daulatabad, removed there his family and valuables, and prepared to defend himself there in case of necessity, following the example of Bussy at the Char Minar.

Thus the two courts of Pune and Aurangabad occupied themselves during the monsoon of 1757 in preparing for another trial of arms. The Peshva gave the command of the impending campaign to his eldest son Vishvasrav, a promising lad of fifteen, in order to afford him experience for his future position in the State. Dattaji and Jankoji Shinde who had just returned from their Marvad entanglement, were asked to train Vishvasrav under them and conduct the expedition to a successful issue. Damaji Gaik-vad and other chiefs joined the army in due course. The Maratha forces left Pune on 27th August in the direction of Aurangabad, the Peshva and Sadashivrav halting on the Godavari to watch the operations beyond. Aurangabad was the main objective for the Marathas to reduce and for the Nizam to defend. Hostilities began in November. Nizam Ali was put in charge of the campaign by Salabat Jang. Bussy was then absent on the east coast.

As the Marathas were marching upon Aurangabad, they received news that Ramchandra Jadhav, a powerful Maratha commander in the Nizam's service was coming rapidly from Bhalki to remove the threat to the capital. In order to prevent Jadhav attacking the Peshva's army before Aurangabad, Dattaji learning that Ramchandra Jadhav was at Sindkhed quickly moved upon that place and at once invested it. These surprisingly quick movements were most effective. The small rampart of Sindkhed was not likely to hold out long. Nizam Ali with Ibrahim Khan Gardi at once marched from Aurangabad to Sindkhed, in the wake of Dattaji's men to relieve the pressure upon Jadhav, which increased every moment when swarming Marathas quickly gathered from various directions. A fierce struggle between the two opponents raged for nearly a month round that small place. Nizam Ali and Ibrahim Khan effected a junction with Jadhav and tried to break out all in a body through the Maratha cordon on 12th December under the shelter of their powerful artillery. A fierce battle was fought continuously for four days at the gate of Sindkhed, when Nagoji Mane, a supporter of Jadhav was killed along with many of his followers. On 16th December darkness set in towards evening and the combatants parted. Victory remained with the Marathas.

The next few days decided the fate of the campaign. Hordes of Maratha cavalry came sweeping upon the Nizam's forces. On 17th December Nizam Ali acknowledging defeat sent Vithal Sunder to the Maratha camp begging for terms. Peace was concluded by the Nizam ceding to the Peshva territory worth 25 lacs along with fort Naldurg. Ceremonial visits by the two principals at Sakharkhelda retified and confirmed the treaty on 29th December1757. Once more the unity of Maratha ranks under the Peshva's direction was plainly exhibited to the Indian world, finally closing the rift that Tarabai's activities had created.

While Nizam-ud-daula was halting at Ellichpur, Raghuji Karande, Bhosle's lieutenant, invaded Bexar and advanced as far as Borgaon where Nizam-ud-daula met and defeated him. However, Raghuji Karande and Nanhoji Jachak had looted the Nizam's artillery baggage in December, 1757. Nizam-ud-daula looted the city of Akola but the Navab of Ellichpur reconciled the two in May, 1758, whereby both agreed to the Sathichalishi treaty. The treaty stipulated that 45 per cent of the tribute would go to the Bhosles and the remaining 55 per cent would be allotted to the Nizam. The visits were exchanged in a royal darbar on the banks of the Wardha on 25th March 1758. The treaty of peace which was concluded was not, however, sufficiently stringent in its terms to prevent the Marathas from continuing their depredations in Berar.

Janoji and Mudhoji had both agreed to pay ten lakhs of rupees to the Peshva each. However, they experienced great difficulties in collecting the tribute due to dissensions every where. Krishnaji Govind had been collecting Berar tribute, as deputy of Kashirav Bhaskarram but he was removed from the office and instead Janoji now appointed Mansingrav Mohite. The Peshva sent his vakils, Vyankatrav Moreshvar and Trimbakji Bhosle for recovery but to no avail. Negotiations were opened between the two brothers in October, 1759. Mudhoji insisted that Janoji would stay in Nagpur, leaving all management to him; while Janoji pleaded for division of territory and parallel management. Moro Raghu-nath, Raghuji Karande and Balaji Keshav exchanged visits but no compromise could be effected. Dasara, being fixed for the two brothers to meet in ceremony, Mudhoji and Karande sensed a plot against them and escaped to Berar.

Janoji sent Trimbakji Raje to reconcile Mudhoji, but Mudhoji and Karande pointed out that as long as Devajipant, Balaji Keshav and Samji Fulaji were in the services of Janoji, they would always advice against any permanent reconciliation and that they must be driven out from the court of Nagpur. Janoji agreed to hand over Devajipant to Piraji Naik-Nimbalkar but insisted that Mudhoji must terminate the services of Sadashiv Hari, Ramaji Keshav and Nanaji Krishna. Negotiations again failed and Mudhoji collected five and half thousand horse. Janoji, intending not to allow sufficient time for Mudhoji to increase his military strength, set out on the Divali day for Berar. The two armies met in battle near Amravati at Rahatgaon, and Mudhoji was completely defeated [A trick was played in the high hour of the battle on Mudhoji's army. A horse exactly like the one Raghuji Karande always used was let loose unbriddled and it gave the impression that Raghuji Karande fell in action. Mudhoji's aimy became panicky and was defeated. Kale, Nagpur Prantacha Itihas, p. 126.]. Mudhoji's Fadnis, Moropant, was captured by Janoji. However, Raghuji Karande, collecting his army afresh, released Moropant. Mudhoji, hotly pursued by Janoji escaped towards Karanja. In the meanwhile, Udepur Gosavi of Satara, on behalf of the Peshva, collected tribute from Berar. Peshva's vakil Vyankatrav Moreshvar tried to reconcile the two brothers and finally it was agreed that Mudhoji would look after the Nagpur affairs and Raghuji Karande, Trimbakji Raje and Piraji Naik-Nimbalkar would see that all crists would be averted. On 9th January 1760, both the brothers wrote to Sadashivrav Bhau that their affairs were amicably settled. Janoji and Mudhoji arrived at Vashim on the banks of Penganga as Sadashivrav Bhau had reached Paithan after his successful battle at Udgir [This battle was fought on 3rd February 1760, at Udgir, 200 miles east of Pune. Haig, IV, pp. 390, 412.] against the Nizam. Balaji Bajirav himself was near Ahmadnagar. Janoji, taking Raghuji Karande [Mudhoji was completely alienated from Divakarpant and Balaji Keshav. Mudhoji and now Trimbak Raje insisted that both of them should be arrested and kept, one in Devagad fort and the other in Ambegad fort,,whereupon they pleaded to the Peshva for their safety.] with him advanced to Nandashi Brahmani and reached Jogai Amba (Ambejogai). with 12,000 horse and next day joined Sadashivrav Bhau's army. Mudhoji, too by a different route, at the same time reached Sadashivrav's camp. Sadashivrav, Raghoba and Balaji met near Ambe Patdur and received the news of the crushing defeat and death of Dattaji Shinde [On 9th January 1760, at the Berar ghat, ten miles north of Delhi, Ahmad Shah Abdali defeated and slew Dattaji Shinde.] in the north. It was at once decided that a force must be despatched under a member of the Peshva's family to restore Maratha influence in Hindustan. Little love was lost between the two cousins, Raghunath and Sadashivrav and the hero of Udgir claimed the command of the Maratha army. The army which set out from Patdur on 10th March 1760 was the most magnificent that the Marathas had ever sent forth to battle. Raghunath, however, remained behind to check the Nizam and Janoji and Mudhoji too returned to Nagpur. In 1761 was fought the battle of Panipat between the Marathas and Abdali in which the Marathas were defeated.

In 1762 Nizam-ud-daula, who had already received the titles of Asaf Jah and Nizam-ul-Mulk, deposed his brother and became the ruler of the Hyderabad State. In 1763 he appointed Gulam Sayyad Khan governor of Berar, but removed him in 1764 to Daulatabad and replaced him in Berar by Ismail Khan, the Afghan.

Now Zafar-ud-daula, who had been engaged in suppressing rebellion in Nirmal and had pursued some of the rebels into Berar conceived the idea that Ismail Khan was harbouring them. He wrote to him accusing him of treason and Ismail sent an indignant reply. The correspondence between the two amirs became so acrimonious that Ismail, as a precautionary measure, strengthened the fortifications of Ellichpur, whereupon Zafar-ud-daula, Nizam Ali's minister, charged that the governor of Berar was meditating rebellion and asked for permission to march against him. Rukn-ud-daula, who did not doubt Ismail's fidelity and was loth to see the resources of the State frittered away in civil war, returned no reply to this request, and Zafar-ud-daula, either taking his silence for consent or affecting to believe that the urgency of the case was sufficient to justify him in acting on his own responsibility, invaded Berar and in June besieged Ismail in Ellichpur. On hearing that the conflict which he had tried to prevent had broken out Rukn-ud-daula hastened to Ellichpur and patched up a temporary peace betweeen the two disputants.

The situation after the battle of Panipat became one of the greatest dangers to the Maratha State. The combined armies of Janoji and Nizam Ali moved along the Bhima ravaging the Peshva Madhavrav's territory. The Marathas retaliated by similar process between Malkapur in the north and Hyderabad in the south. When the Marathas entered the Bhosle's possessions in Berar, Nizam Ali came on their heels and Pune shared a dreadful fate, a major portion of it being completely burned down. Secret negotiations were opened and Sakharam Bapu won over Janoji to the Peshva's side. On 10th August 1763, the Peshva defeated the Nizam at Rakshasbhuvan. Ismail Khan of Ellichpur was wounded, but Janoji, being true to his earlier friendship, had brought him to his camp. The Nizam gave to the Peshva territory worth 82 lakhs of rupees, out of which the Peshva handed over 32 lakhs of rupees worth territory to Janoji. However, when Madhavrav sent Vyankatrav More-shvar and Ganesh Tukdev to Janoji to solicit his help for his Karnatak expedition, Janoji refused to accompany him. Moro Dhondoji, the Nizam's sardar in Berar, with his army of 2,000 horse, was attacked by Bhosle's army. Hence, the Peshva and the Nizam decided to attack the Bhosle's territory. Madhavrav set out from Pune on 17th October 1765 and was joined by Rukn-ud-daula near Kaigaon Toke. Raghunath too joined Madhavrav in December 1765 and the Peshva's army reached Daryapur. Shiv-bhat Sathe, Gopalrav Sambhaji Khandekar, Krishnaji Anant Tambe collected, on behalf of the Peshva, tribute from all directions, marching further in Berar. The Ellichpur army of 3,000 horse under Ismail went to support Janoji. But being not able to face the might of the Peshva himself Janoji sent from Nand-gaon, Vyankatesh Moreshvar, the Peshva's vakil in his camp, for a truce to Madhavrav. However, Madhavrav was reluctant to fight with his own sardar and reconciled matters with the Bhosles. The treaty was signed at Kholapur, near Amravati, which stipulated that Janoji would return 24 lakhs of rupees worth territory to the Peshva, out of the 32 lakhs ceded to the Bhosle at Rakshasbhuvan, retaining only eight lakhs to himself. Out of this 24 lakhs rupees territory, the Peshva returned 15 lakhs to the Nizam as agreed between them before the expedition against Janoji was opened. The Nizam and Rukn-ud-daula, along with Sherjang and Jagannath Dhondoji, brother of Moro Dhondoji, took control of this territory after the official meeting of the Nizam and the Peshva on 23rd January 1766 at Kumarkheda.

Janoji, however, succumbed to the wicked advice of his minister Devajipant and coquetted with the Peshva's enemy. Madhavrav, after disposing of his uncle at the battle of Dhodap in June, 1768, decided to teach a severe lesson to Janoji. Madhavrav sent for Nagpur minister Devajipant for a personal visit at Pune. The latter refused to obey the summons. When his stern warning fell on deaf ears, the Pcshva at once opened hostilities. Devajipant realising the peril he was running into, came to meet the Peshva at Vashim in Berar. He was at once put under arrest. Gopalrav Patvardhan and Ramchandra Ganesh Kanade were ordered by the Peshva to fall upon Nagpur and ravage the Bhosle's territory. Rukn-ud-daula and Ramchandra Jadhav with 8,000 horse were despatched by the Nizam to the Peshva's help. Thus reinforced, the Peshva began aggressive movements with his 60,000 horse, marching through Sholapur, Tuljapur, Dharur, Pathri, Bid, Nandasi Brahmani, Kalamnuri, Vasim, Mangrulpir, Pinjar, Karanja and Amravati. The Bhosles removed their family to Gavilgad and Narhar Ballal with his 5,000 horse protected the fort. Bapu Karande marched to Burhanpur but was obstructed by the Peshva's officers there. Anandrav Gopal and Balaji Keshav Sapre defeated Bapu Karande and Narhari Pant near Akola at Panchagavan on 10th January 1769. Narhar was killed in action. His nephew, Vitthal Ballal, with 2,500 horse devastated the territory, marched to Burhanpur and returned to Malkapur, to effect junction with Jachak and Karande. However, Vitthal was severely wounded and his family was put under arrest by the Peshva's agent to Burhanpur. Janoji's camp was at Nandgaon, near Amravati with 15 to 20 thousand horse Piraji Nimbalkar effected junction here on 6th December 1768 with Janoji. Five thousand horse of the Bhosle army was at Narnala under Tulaji. Tulaji being sick in body, his nephew took this band and joined Janoji and Piraji on 17th December 1868. However, Ismail Khan of Ellichpur refused to join the Bhosles. On 1st December 1768, the Peshva had halted at Badner Gangai and the Bhosle camp was in front, 25 cos but on the 10th, the distance separating the two was still less, as the Bhosles had on 11th their camp at Nandgaon, near Amravati. Devajipant, however, opend negotiations and offered fifteen lakhs of rupees to the Peshva. Acting on the advice of Devajipant, Janoji, being unable to meet the Peshva's strength, adopted guerilla tactics and gave out that he would march upon Pune, liberate Raghunath and instal him in the Peshva's seat. For three or four days during February, Pune was in a great alarm and confusion. The Peshva had already plundered Nagpur on 11th January 1769. In March, Janoji's brother, Mudhoji joined the Peshva. However, the exhaustion of both the parties induced them to seek a termination of their hostilities by coming to a mutual accommodation. A treaty of mutual friendship was ratified at Kanakapur or Brahmeshvar, at the confluence of the two rivers, the Godavari and the Manjra, on 23rd March 1769. The Bhosles agreed not to increase the prescribed number of their army and to pay a tribute of 5 lakhs yearly in five instalments.

In 1770 the southern tracts of Berar were in a disturbed state. The zamindar of Nirmal who had rebelled was attacked by Zafar-ud-daula, the general of the Nizam, Nizam Ali Khan and fled. His adherents seem to have crossed the Penganga into the Yeot-mal district whither they were pursued and the occurrence led to a quarrel between Zafar-ud-daula and Ismail Khan, the Governor of Berar. Madhavrav Peshva died on 18th November 1772 and Janoji Bhosle too had died in the same year in May. The death of Janoji gave rise to the usual succession disputes and a civil war ensued between the two brothers Mudhoji and Sabaji. The former was supported by Raghunath and Sakharam Bapu from Pune, and the latter by Narayanrav, Nana Phadnis and others.

Mudhoji with his three sons, Raghuji, Khandoji and Vyankoji was well supported by Balavantrav Mahipatrav, Ramaji Keshav, Tikhe, Bhavani Atole, Govindrav Mugutrav, Shivaji Talkute and Jagdev Gujar. Sabaji had in his entourage Khandoji Adhav from Berar and Shankarji Ghorpade, Ramasingh Nimbalkar and Zunjarrav Ghatge. The Peshva, sent Balaji Palande to reinforce Sabaji. The two armies met in battle in January, 1773, at Kum-bhari near Akola. Jivaji Bhosle, son of Ranoji Bhosle of Amra-vati, died in action. Fighting was stopped for two days in mourning and thereafter, through the mediation of Ramaji Ballal this fratricidal war came to be temporarily composed and an agreement was arrived at, by which Mudhoji's son Raghuji was to be recognised as the ruler of Nagpur. But Mudhoji very soon released Devajipant and made him his divan and put under arrest Lakshmanrav, brother of Bhavani Munshi with his family, which induced Sabaji to leave Nagpur and collect fresh army. Sabaji on 23rd April 1773 and again on 5th June wrote to Anantbhat Chitale to hand over the charge of Amravati to Ranoji, son of Jivaji, as it was his hereditary jahagir. Sabaji was also reinforced by the Nizam's divan, Rukn-ud-daula and Khanderav Darekar, the Peshva's sarlashkar.

Rukn-ud-daula and Sabaji besieged Ellichpur as Ismail was supporting Mudhoji. Mudhoji hastened to Ellichpur but finding that Rukn-ud-daula and Sabaji commanded greater numbers, followed lingering tactics. Zamasingh, the fort-keeper of Gavil-gad, too, in the interest of Mudhoji, surprised Sabaji's camp, many times. Ismail, once leaving the fort, dispersed the besiegers. Khanderav Darekar, however, could not reach Ellichpur as he was stopped by the army sent from Chandrapur by Mudhoji. Mudhoji also instructed Vyankatrav Kashi and his brother Lakshmanrav Kashi at Pune to support Raghunath against Narayanrav Peshva. One dark night in August, Raghunathray tried to escape with the help of Lakshman Kashi. He was defeated by the guards and taken back to his custody. The murder of Peshva Narayanrav took place on 30th August shortly after midday. Vyankatrav and Lakshmanrav had an agreement with Raghunathrav on 4th September 1773 that Mudhoji and not Sabaji would be recognised as chief of Nagpur Bhosles. Mudhoji had reconciled Rukn-ud-daula through the mediations of Mahipat Binkar and Balkrishna Bhat-Patvardhan. Not only Ismail and Rukn-ud-daula were reconciled, Sabaji and Mudhoji, too brushed up their differences. Mudhoji, after hearing the news of Narayanrav's murder went to Gavilgad and consulted Daryabai, wife of Raghuji I. Lakshman Kashi had gone to Ellichpur to take Mudhoji to Pune, hence Rukn-ud-daula and Dhousa left Ellichpur and Mudhoji joined Raghunathrav at Pedgaon, where Raghuji II, was declared Sena Saheb Subha. Raghunathrav and Mudhoji poceeded to Naldurg. Raghunathrav met Nizam Ali, negotiated a treaty of friendship whereby Mudhoji secured his agreement of 60 to 40 per cent share of Berar with the Nizam. Sabaji and even Daryabai joined the ministerial party against Raghunathrav. The ministers-Barabhais-put under arrest Mahi-patrav Dinkar and Vyankatrav Kashi in the Chandanvandan fort but Mahipat was released on condition that he would secure Mudhoji's support for the ministers at Pune. However, Daryabai and Sabaji wrote to Sakharam Purandare to capture the two again, but Mahipat Dinkar along with Mahipat Kashi had already escaped to Ellichpur and joined Mudhoji there. Mudhoji finding money always short had plundered Amaravati but still the Pathans in his army had their salaries in arrears; hence, when Mudhoji returned from Ismail of Ellichpur, he was attacked by the Patbans on the way. Jagdev Gujar, Devaji Dongardev, Chimaji Chitnis met the Pathans' onslaught and Tagdev Gujar died in action. Mudhoji, breaking his thumb in action, was severely wounded [Kale, Nagpur Prantacha Itihas, p. 203.]. Devaii Dongardev, killing some of the Pathans finally escaped with Mudhoji to a Teli's shop. There too one Rohilla attacked Mudhoji with a dagger in hand but one pedestrian, rushing to Mudhoji's rescue, killed the Rohilla. Ismail, rushing to the spot, rescued Mudhoji and his wounds were nursed. The conspiracy was hatched by one Pathan named Navav in Mudhoji's army, who was later beheaded and Mahipat Subhedar who had gone to celebrate his son's marriage at Chandrapur, hastened to Ellichpur and controlled the situation. Raghunathrav sent Muhammad Yusuf to the care of Mudhoji. Muhammad Yusuf reached Ellichpur with 2,000 horse and Mudhoji set out for Nagpur. However, Ismail had refused help to Mudhoji. Sabaji was shot dead in action in the battle that was fought on 26th January 1775 near Pachgaon. Baburav Vaidya, Bhosle's vakil at Pune, brought to Naepur the honours of Sena Saheb Subha, from Madhavrav II, the Peshva, on 24th June 1775. Vyankatrav Kashi was also set free.

In the meanwhile, the ministerial party promised Shivaji Bhosle of Amaravati, Sena Saheb Subhaship and supported him against Mudhoji. On April 6, 1775, the Peshva gave Shivaji his new sanads and Shivaji raised an army, soliciting support from the partisans of Sabaji. Bhavani Shivram [Bhavani Shivram, thereafter, joined the Nizam and later returned to the Peshva and never went back to Nagpur, Kale, op. cit, foot-note, 109.] escaping from the battle-field of Pachgaon, joined Shivaii. However, Shivaji could not secure adequate military help from Pune court and the Nizam. Mudhoji had sent Devajipant to the Nizam who reconciled him to Mudhoji's interests and the ministers at Pune were too engrossed in their own affairs. Shivaji too had no adequate finances to raise fresh armies and hence Shivaji's efforts against Mudhoji were of no avail. Mudhoji, too, joined the ministerial party at Pune and secured the sanads in the name of Raghuji II. The relations of Bhosles of Amaravati and Nagpur were permanently strained [Vyankatrao Kashi and Mahioat Dinkar were kept as prisoners in Gavilgad by Mudhoji, though later on Mahipatrao was released.] and Mudhoji deprived the Bhosles of Amravati of their control over Amaravati and other areas. Mudhoji Bhosle was compelled by the Barabhais, the ministerial party, to withdraw his protection from Muhammad Yusuf, who for a time, remained concealed in the forests of Madhya Pradesh [Haripant Phadke desoatched Krishnarao Kale and Parashuram Patvardhan against Muhammad Yusuf. Yusuf marched to the north and intended to cross the Narmada, but Mudhoji's sardar Taikhan Bohila captured him at Shivani. Taikhan, on instructions from Mudhoii, handed him over to Parashuram Patvardhan. Haripant Phadke brought him to his camp near Malegaon. Kale, op. cit., 210.]. But he was discovered, captured and put to death on 26th November 1775.

In 1775 Nizam Ali, takine advantage of the existence of a strong party opposed to Mudhoji Bhosle in Nagpur, sent Ibrahim Beg against him, and himself advanced as far as Ellichpur. Mudhoji, unable to cope at the same time with his foreign and domestic enemies, obtained a cessation of hostilities by causing Gavilgad and Narnala to be surrendered to the Moghal officers and submitted himself, with his son Raghuji, to Nizam Ali in Ellichpur. Here the wily Maratha, by the humility of his demeanour, succeeded with the help of Nizam's troops in suppressing the Gonds and Gavilgad and Narnala were restored to him. At the same time Nizam Ali's eldest son, Ali Jah, was appointed subhedar of Berar. Ismail Khan was in disgrace. Rukn-ud-daula who had befriended him, had been killed and his place had been taken by Ismail's former enemy, Zafar-ud-daula. Before Rukn-ud-daula's intrigues at court, he had left Ellichpur without leave and presented himself before Nizam Ali. This breach of official etiquette was made the pretext for his degradation and he was informed that jahagir had been assigned to him in Balapur and that he had been degraded to the position of governor of that district. The message delivered to him was purposely made as galling as possible. He was ordered to vacate Ellichpur and appear before Nizam Ali and was advised that his surest avenue to favour was to apply for an interview through Zafar-ud-daula. The headstrong Afghan refused so to humiliate himself, and on this refusal being reported to Nizam Ali, Zafar-ud-daula was sent against Ellichpur and was closely followed bv Nizam Ali himself. Ismail Khan marched out of Ellichpur and attacked Zafar-ud-daula with great determination, but though the vigour of the attack threw the enemy into confusion for a time, the garrison of Ellichpur was no match for the army of Hyderabad. Ismail Khan was surrounded and overpowered and when he fell his head was severed from his body and sent to the Nizam. Nizam Ali marched, on, and on May 14th encamped at Ellichpur and made a Pilgrimage to the shrine of Abdur Rahman. Zafar-ud-daula was rewarded for this victory with the title of Mubariz-ul-Mulk. Bahram Jang was appointed Ali Jah's lieutenant in Berar, Sayyad Mukarram Khan was appointed divan of the province, and a Hindu, Shamrav, was made faujadar of Ellichpur.

The next few years were taken up by the growing conflict between the Marathas and the English and the intrigues of Raghunathrav against the Peshva Savai Madhavrav supported by the latter. Before the defeat of the English at Talegaon in January 1779, they tried to induce Mudhoji Bhosle of Nagpur who had assumed power after the death of his brother Sabaji to claim the Chhatrapatiship at Satara where Ramraja had died on December 9th, 1777. Mudhoji, however, wisely refused to fall in the trap. The defeat, of the English left Raghunathrav without a protector for the time being and he ultimately agreed to acknowledge Savai Madhavrav as Peshva and renounce all his claims to Peshvaship. He, however, escaped while he was being conveyed to his jahagirs by Hari Babaji and went to Surat where he was welcomed by the English General Goddard. At the help of affairs in the Maratha court was Nana Phadnis who realised the dangerous postures the English were assuming and decided to form a grand quadruple alliance against the English with the Peshva Government, the Nizam, Haider Ali and the Bhosle of Nagpur as partners. This alliance proved to be a gamble, because Warren Hastings first detached Nizam Ali from the alliance by promising him the cession of Guntur. The Bhosles who had joined in the alliance and were ready to march against the English possession of Bengal were weaned away from the alliance by a clever stroke of diplomacy by Hastings who made an offer of 50 lacs to Mudhoji who succumbed to the temptation. Mudhoji Bhosle and his sons Khandoji alias Chimnaji and Raghuji were all a party to this seduction by the English. Bengal at that time (February 1780) was denuded of troops and English troops were to march to Bengal though Orissa which was then a Nagpur protectorate. The English whose position had become critical in Bengal sought the permission of Khandoji Bhosle to allow Colonel Pearse to march his troops though Orissa on the promise of payment of part dues, which promise, Khandoji accepted. In regard to this episode Hastings wrote " We ordered Colonel Pearse to march and use every studied precaution for preventing rupture with the government of Berar. At the same time Mr. Anderson was deputed to Cuttack to notify these orders to Chimnaji Bhosle. Colonel Pearse crossed the Suvarnarekha in good order. Chimnaji very readily signified his assent to the passage, to minister to all its wants, which he did most abundantly. The march to Gunjam was quiet and easy. We agreed to relieve the distresses of Chimnaji's army by giving him a gratuity of 16 lacs. Chimnaji has agreed to furnish two thousand horse to be under the order of Colonel Pearse, their pay to be disbursed by us at the rate of one lac per month. I have endeavoured, to excite the ambition of Mudhoji to the acquisition of the (Maratha) raj; but I am apprehensive he will not undertake any plan hostile to the young Peshva" [Gleig's Memoirs of Warren Hastings Vol. 2, p. 358.].

The war between the Maratha State and the English, however, continued but not with the same vigour as it would have been under the aegis of the great quadruple alliance. It came to a close by the peace treaty of Salbye signed on 17th May 1782.

In 1783 Bahram Jang was removed from his appointment in Berar and was succeeded by Zafar-ud-daula's son Ihtisham Jang. Zafar-ud-daula had died in the meantime and his title was bestowed upon his son. The second Zafar-ud-daula was intent on breaking the power of the Marathas in Berar and was preparing to besiege Gavilgad and Narnala and expel the Maratha revenue collectors from Berar when Mudhoji Bhosle became aware of his designs and complained to Nizam Ali that the governor of Berar was meditating the violation of treaty agreements. Zafar-ud-daula was, therefore, removed and Muhammad Kabir Khan, one of the jahagirdars of the province, was appointed in his place. In 1790 Muhammad Kabir gave way to Salabat Khan, the elder son of Ismail Khan. In 1792 Bahlol Khan, Salabat Khan's younger brother, was appointed subhedar of Berar and Aurangabad. Bahlol was a debauchee with a taste for architecture and spent all the revenues which his able divan, Khvaja Bahadur, could squeeze out of the province on his pleasures and his hobby. He was summoned to Hyderabad and ordered to render an account of his stewardship, which proved to be unsatisfactory that he was thrown into prison, where he remained for some years, and officers were sent to search his house in Ellichpur. If they expected to discover hoarded money they were disappointed for Bahlol had spent the money as he received it. In 1794 trouble erupted between the Marathas and the Nizam after a lapse of nearly 25 years over the payment of chauth by the Nizam to the Marathas. In 1794 the Nizam sent his minister Mir Alam to Pune to negotiate settlement. But the mission failed and war seemed imminent. The Nizam who used to pay to the Bhosle of Nagpur a certain proportion of the revenues from Berar, now refused to make the stipulated payment and announced a complete repudiation of all Maratha claims by Nagpur. War was, therefore, declared against the Nizam and all Maratha chiefs, including Raghuji Bhosle, assembled with their troops. The English maintained an attitude of neutrality in this Maratha-Nizam conflict. The armies of the Marathas and the Nizam met at Kharda and victory declared for the Marathas on 11th March 1795. The Nizam, among other conditions, agreed—(1) to pay three crores on account of chauth and two more for the expenses of war, and (2) restore to the Bhosles of Nagpur all the territory of the Bhosle, recently captured along with its accumulated revenues. The terms were, however, never fully realised and the Nizam, Nizam Ali managed to wriggle out of the same.

The deputy governor of Berar in 1801 was Gangaram Narayan, who in that year caused an emeute in Ellichpur. He introduced a new tax apparently for the purpose of augmenting his private income, and attempted to levy it from all the inhabitants of the town alike, including soldiers and other customary exemptees. The malcontents rose and attacked the fort of Ellichpur. When they burst in, the wretched Gangaram threw himself at their mercy and promised never more to offend them. Thus were the people satisfied and the power and prestige of the government help up to scorn. It is not necessary here to detail the intrigues in the Maratha Court from the accession of Bajirav, the son of Raghunathrav, to Peshvaship after the death of Savai Madhavrav till his flight to the English in 1802 and the signing of the treaty of Bassein which reduced the Maratha State to the position of vassalage of the English. The gravity of the situation thus created was soon realised by the principal chiefs of the Maratha State viz., the Shinde, the Holkar and the Bhosle. The restoration of Bajirav to the Peshvaship by the English on May 13, 1803 further complicated the situation. The English assumed the posture of the protectors of Bajirav and opened negotiations with the Maratha chiefs. When these parleys were going on Shinde, Holkar. Bhosle and other Maratha noblemen were attempting; to organise a grand coalition against the English. When the Governor General got the news of this move a warning was issued to Shinde that such attempts on his part would be treated as an act of war by the English. A similar remonstrance was also dispatched to Raghuji Bhosle. At that time (June-July 1803) Shinde's forces were camping in Berar. General Wellesley decided upon south Berar as the theatre best suited for military operations in the event of war and issued instructions to various station commandars to concentrate on Shinde's forces in Berar. Shinde and Bhosle met on 4th June 1803 at Bodvad near Bhusawal in Jalgaon district. Colonel Collins, the British resident with their camp, was instructed to demand that they should at once withdraw from Berar. He was met by a refusal which was regarded as tantamount to a declaration of war and was dismissed from their camp. Considerable time was wasted in replies and counter-replies between the English on the one hand and the Shinde, the Holkar and the Bhosle on the other. However the bitter enmity between the Holkar and the Shinde prevented the participation of Yeshvantrav in this grand design against the English. In this situation the English decided to single out their opponents and deal separately with them. In this policy the English succeeded beyond measure. The Bhosle suffered a crushing defeat at Adgaon near Balapur on 29th November 1803 and the Shindes were defeated in the battle of Lasvadi on November 1803. The English signed the treaty of Devgaon with the Bhosles on 17th December 1803 and that of Surji Anjangaon with the Shinde on 30th December 1803.

Under the terms of the treaty of Devgaon, Raghuji Bhosle agreed to withdraw from the plains of Berar to the east of the Wardha river, retaining, however, the fortresses of Gavilgad and Narnala, and the Melghat. This treaty, which was described by the Governor-General in a private letter to his brother as ' wise, honourable, and glorious', was followed by another with the Shindes, signed on December 29th at Anjangaon in the Daryapur tahsil. These two treaties brought the second Maratha war to a conclusion. After the treaties of Devgaon and Anjangaon Wel-lesley marched back through the district to Jalna, and in the middle of 1804 recorded his opinion of this part of Berar, which, it must be remembered, had suffered from famine as well as from war. " Sindkhed", he wrote, " is a nest of thieves. The situation of this country is shocking; the people are starving in hundreds; and there is no government to afford the slightest relief: "

In 1804 the Nizam signed a treaty with the East India Company known as the partition treaty in addition to the one signed as October 12, 1800 [The Treaty of 12th October 1800 A. D., concluded between the Nizam and the East India Company altered the status of Hyderabad from an Independent Political Unit to that of a State in subordinate co-operation with the British while the troops of the East India Company, known as the Subsidiary Forces were to be Stationedin perpetuity in the State of Hyderabad. The Nizam, on hispartunder-took, " neither to commence nor to pursue in future any negotiations with any other power whatever, without giving previous notice and entering into mutual consultation wfth the Honourable East India Company's Government, and neverto commit any act of hostility or aggression against any powerwhatever; and in the event of any differences arising, whatever adjustment of them the Company's Government weighing matter in the scale of truth and justice, may determine, shall meet with full approbation and acquiescence."].

A.D. 1804.

By the partition treaty of Hyderabad (dated 1804), the whole of Berar, including districts east of the Wardha but  excluding certain tracts left with the Nagpur Chief and the Peshva. was made over in perpetual sovereignty to the Nizam. The forts of Gavilgad and Narnala remained subject to Nagpur. Certain tracts about Sindkhed and Jalna, in the south-west corner of Berar, were restored by Shinde to the Hyderabad State. When in 1803, war had broken out with the Marathas the force sent by the Nizam with Wellesley's army had been commanded by one Raja Mahipat Ram. After peace was established, Mahipat Ram was appointed to manage Berar. Raja Mahipat was in charge of the Nizam's forces stationed in the western parts of the Nizam territories. After the death of Arastujah, the prime minister of the Nizam, in 1804, Mahipat Ram entertained hopes to succeed to the post held by Arastujah. But on the advice of the British resident, the Nizam Sikandar Jah appointed Mir Alam as prime minister which Mahipat Ram resented. In the year 1804 when the British undertook a campaign against Holkar, Mir Alam ordered Mahipat Ram to join the British with the stipulated forces as provided for in the treaty of 1800. The troops that joined the British under Mahipat Ram were few in number and extremely ill-equipped. They were also suspected to be anti-British being the remnants of the troops trained by the French. The British suspicion naturally fell upon Raja Mahipat Ram. Soon after the close of the campaign, Raja Mahipat Ram returned to Hyderabad on 3rd October 1805 and rapidly gained influence with the Nizam, Sikan-dar Jah. He counselled the Nizam against the British and Mir Alam and in his intrigues found a colleague in the person of Raja Raghottam Rav. However, through the efforts of some prominent noblemen and leaders of the palace, a complete breach between Mir Alam and the Nizam was prevented and Mahipat Ram left Hyderabad on 7th May 1806 to take up his post in Berar. Raja Mahipat Ram continued his intrigues from Berar goading the Nizam to adopt a defiant attitude towards the British. This found Mir Alam, a partisan of the British in extraordinary circumstances. The British were also perturbed and the resident on 28th November 1806 visited the Nizam and advised him to remove Raja Mahipat Ram from the Governorship of Berar and restore the prime minister Mir Alam to his former confidence and dignity. As this had no effect upon the Nizam, the resident decided to force the issue and issued secret orders to the commanding officers of the subsidiary force to hold in readiness for immediate movement the two regiments of cavalry and a battalion of sepoys with two brigades of fieldpieces. This had the desired effect and the Nizam on the advice of Amjad-ul-Mulk issued orders for the dismissal of Raja Mahipat Ram from the Governorship of Berar and restored Mir Alam to confidence.

Raja Mahipat Ram was succeeded in the government by Raja Govind Baksh as subahdar of Berar and Aurangabad.

As stated earlier it was in 1803 that the British defeated Shinde and Bhosle and concluded separate treaties with them, viz., Surji Anjangaon and Devgaon, respectively. These treaties clearly defined the boundaries of the States of Hyderabad, Nagpur and Gvalior and brought about the realignment of their territorial possessions. As they also affected Berar, as Berar was ceded to the Nizam, the terms of both the treaties are reproduced below: —

Treaty of Devgaon:—-

(1) The province of Cuttack with its whole coast to be ceded to the English;

(2) The province of western Berar up to the river Wardha to be ceded to the Nizam;

(3) Bhosle to respect the treaties concluded with his feudatories by the British.

(4) Bhosle to dissolve the Maratha confederacy and entertain no enemy of the English in his service.

Treaty of Surji-Anjangaon:—

(1) Shinde to cede to the British the Yamuna-Ganga Doab, the Delhi-Agra region along the Yamuna, parts of Bundelkhand, Broach and some districts of Gujarat, the Fort of Ahmadnagar and the Ajanta region up to the Godavari;

(2) Shinde to renounce his control upon the Emperor, and also;

(3) To relinquish all claims on the Peshva, the Nizam, and the Gaikwad and recognise the independence of all those feudatories who had made separate engagements with the British;

(4) Shinde not to entertain in his service any Frenchman or American or any other enemies of the British. Shinde was asked to accept a British Subsidiary Force which he declined to. On further representation Burhanpur and Ashirgad were restored to him. The territory of Berar ceded by Bhosle was given to the Nizam for his co-operation in the war.

The peace of Devgaon put a stop to actual warfare in Berar; but the people continued to suffer intermittently from the inroads of Pendharis, and incessantly from misgovernment. The province had been restored to the Nizam just at the time when confusion in his dominions was at its worst.

A.D. 1813.

The  Nizam's territories are, writes General Wellesley (January 1804), " one complete chaos from the Godavari to Haidarabad." In 1803 Barsi Takli, Kantal and Argaon, small country towns, were sacked by freebooting bands. [An interesting account of the Nizam's infantry stationed in Berar is found in the dispatch of the Resident dated 10th December 1806.]

"It was now that Meer Allum determined to reform the corps of infantry in Berar, and place them on a respectable footing under the command of English officers who are already in the service of this State. To effect this reasonable reform and to enable the English officers to create and maintain a proper influence and authority over their respective corps, it will be of much importance that a detachment of British troops should be stationed in Berar. By the general influence and example derived from the presence of a British detachment, and under the regulation which Meer Allum intends to adopt, for the regular payment, clothing, and equipment of the corps in Berar, it may be expected that these corps will gradually attain to a degree of discipline and subordination which may render them useful and creditable auxiliaries in any future war."

A.D. 1809.

In 1809 the Pendharis advanced close up to Ellichpur, but retired on finding the  place too strong for them. Another party plundered Basim at the time; and Pimpalgaon, near Jalgaon, was sacked and gutted on another occasion. Patur was burnt to ashes, they say, in 1808.

A.D. 1813.

In 1813 two Marathas leaders occupied Fatekherda paragana for more than three  months; they sacked Fatekherda town, and generally plundered the country. Then (according to local information) came the Naiks, who robbed house by house, and shared with the Pendharis a violent aversion to written papers. Like Jack Cade, they thought it a lamentable thing that parchment being scribbled over should undo a man; and so they are said, to have destroyed many valuable sanads among other documents.

It may be doubted whether these self-confessed robbers were more injurious to the country than were the great revenue farmers who succeeded them. Extravagance at the capital necessitated the raising of large loans at exorbitant rates of interest. When these fell due they could not be met and the device adopted for satisfying the creditors was to grant them leases of the revenue in Berar, the richest province of the Deccan. The tenure of these farmers was uncertain, for loan succeeded loan, and as each successive creditor became importunate he received a lease, often in supersession of his predecessor, who seldom abandoned his rights without a struggle. The condition of the country may be imagined. It was to the interest of each revenue farmer to realize as much as he could in the shortest possible time and without the slightest regard to the interests of the rival who should succeed him or of the wretched cultivator. It is not surprising that of all these lessees one firm only, that of Messrs. Pestanji and Company, attempted to improve in any way the condition of the cultivator and the resources of the province.

During this period there were a number of mutinies in the Nizam's army against the Europeans. The reform of the Nizam's troops including those in Berar was taken up. " The regular corps in the service of the Nizam form a body entirely distinct in every particular from the corps composing the remainder of his army. They now consist of three brigades two in the Berar and one at Hyderabad. Of the two brigades in Berar the first is commanded by Mr. Elliot, who has been 17 years in the Nizam's army, and served during the Seringapatam campaign in 1799, and the second by Mr. Eraser, who was formerly in His Majesty's 65th Regiment, and entered the Nizam's service in 1809." Under the new scheme " the whole force of irregular cavalry in Berar was to consist of 8,000 men distributed into four separate risalas of 2,000 men each. The organization of these troops was placed in the hands of a European officer as Commandant, aided by five of the Company's officers, one of whom was to be a staff officer of the Commandant. " In 1816 the depredations of the Pendharis in Berar roused the British Government to expostulate with the Nizam; and by the Resident's counsel no less than 7,500 horse were stationed in the province for its protection. " The State of Hyderabad at this time was in a very bad condition. The army of Hyderabad which was a mere rabble was nearly 70,000 in strength and was costing the State exchequer a major portion of the revenue. Large parts of the State were in a state of prolonged rebellion against the Government which was ineffective in dealing with them. The Hutkers, a war-like community in the districts of Nanded, Parbhani and Berar across the river Painganga, were in open rebellion from 1798 A. D. Similarly, the zamindars of Sirvancha and Mahadevpur were in rebellion from the same year. There was practically a collapse of administration in the country at this time. Added to this financiers like Palmer and Company were exploiting the financial embarrassment of the State to the fullest extent. It was at this time that the Third Maratha War started. In 1817 the Peshva Baji Rav II, fought against the British in the battle of Khadki. He was defeated and had to flee from Pune. The Nizam's army was co-operating with the British in this war and the Hyderabad contingent took a leading part in the operations in the Deccan and Malva. Not all of the Nizam's officers were friendly to the British ".

A.D. 1817-18.

The war of 1817-18 did not seriously affect the tranquillity of Berar, though there was fighting with the Maratha  State on the east and west, and against the Pendha-ris beyond the Satpudas. The Hyderabad subsidiary force had been moved up to Ellichpur, and took part in the campaign. When the Peshva had been driven out of his territories in 1818 he fled across the southern part of Berar by Umarkhed towards Chandrapur, pursued by Generals Dovcton and Smith; but he stopped at the junction of the Painganga and Wardha, having discovered that no aid from the Bhosle chief could be expected. Here he got hemmed in, and at Seoni (or Pandarkauda), in the south-east corner of the Wun district, he lost many men in a skirmish with Colonel Adams. Thence he fled northward into the Satpuda hills and finally surrendered from Dholkot, near Ashirgad.

" Thus the Maratha War ended with the surrender of Baji Rav on 6th June 1818 A. D. In the arrangements with the Nizam which followed, the British gave up their claims to chauth on Hyderabad to which they had succeeded after the Marathas. Portions of the Peshva's territory situated in Berar were also handed over to the Nizam. The Nizam's Government was thus freed from the perpetual domination of the Marathas and could now breathe a sigh of relief. "

It may here be pointed out that the Hyderabad contingent forces were now placed on a very efficient footing. " They were nominally in the Nizam's service but the actual control over them with regard to their formation, location and disposal was in the hands of the Resident. It was with these forces that the British were able to put down rebellions against Hyderabad which were continuously taking place in one part or the other of the State from 1818 down to 1857 A. D. ". Thus the Berar infantry along with the Russell Brigade and Reformed Horse was used to suppress the rebellion of Naiks in the neighbourhood of Umarkhed in 1819. Similarly, the Berar infantry was also used in the suppression of the zamindars of Sironcha and Mahadevpur in 1823.

A.D. 1822.

After the conclusion of the war of 1818 with the Marathas a fresh treaty was made in 1822, which settled the  frontier of Berar, and conferred upon the Nizam all the country west of the Wardha. The tracts lying east of that river were at length formally ceded to Nagpur, but the districts taken by the Peshva in 1795, and those which had been left to the Bhosle in 1803, were all restored to the Hyderabad State. Thus the paraganas across the Wardha of Ashtd, Arwi, and Amner, which had belonged to Berar from very early days, were at length separated from this province; but the forts of Gavilgad and Narnala were recovered, with the subjacent paraganas of Akot, Argaon, and others, and all the hill-range known as the Melghat. Umarkhed and other tracts in the south-east were taken from the Peshva while all claims by the Marathas on the Nizam for chauth were for ever extinguished.

A.D. 1822.

The reigning Nizam was at this time Sikandar Jah, a prince who had neither the will nor the capacity to look-after public business; and his minister was Raja Chandu Lal, a clever revenue officer, who, having been lifted to the highest pinnacle of state entirely by British influence, broke down eventually as an administrator, and by his corruption and weakness disorganised the government.

A.D. 1829.

Sikandar Jah died in 1829, but Chandu Lal did not resign until 1843, having in the interval shown a real genius for maladministration, of which Berar bore its share.

From the report of Sir H. Russell, Resident at Hyderabad it appears that in 1820 the troops in Berar amounted nominally to 26,000, an extravagant number which proves the disorder of the country and the improvidence of its rulers. The report says further that " this province is naturally the most fertile part of the Nizam's dominions, but that it has suffered severely from Pendharis and from the depredations of Naiks and Bhils, in so much that the net revenue collected is not now (1815—20) more than half the sum which the province was estimated to yield at the close of the war in 1803. This is just what Wellesley predicted in 1804. "Unless the Subah (he writes [11th February 1804, Despatches.]) be forced to reform his military establishment, take my word for it that the average of the Nizam's receipts (from Berar) for the next ten years will be even less than those of the last ten ". And Wellesley goes on to point out, with characteristic sagacity, how the sudden cessation of arms in the Deccan must for the time even aggravate civil disorder under native government. Large bodies of troops are disbanded, who become gangs of plunderers too strong for the weak police; while the spread of British annexation establishes rigid irresistible order all round, and drives all the brigands of India within the narrow limits of Native States which they can ravage with impunity.

The Nizam, writes Sir H. Russell, is considered the universal heir of all his subjects. This was the ancient prerogative of the Moghal emperors, who maintained it in a country upon which we now hesitate to impose a slight legacy-duty, but it must have seriously checked the investment of capital in Berar. Then the whole of the Nizam's land-revenue was at this period farmed out to publicans, who adhered to no rates, but squeezed what they could out of the ryot's crop, his goods and chattels.

A.D. 1831.

One Raja Bisan Chand, who held the greater part of Berar valley in farm about 1831, has left a name at which the Kunbi  still grows pale-to pronounce it of a morning early is unlucky. Petty local revolts were common; the deshmukhs stood up for their hereditary rights; the farmers took what they could by main force; and there was frequent faction fighting in the towns between Rajputs and Musalmans. Both parties, however, were good shooters and bad hitters; more goods were lost than lives; but campaigns lasting several days were fought out in the streets of Akot, each side being joined by partizans from the whole country-side; and Malkapur was on one occasion fairly sacked and clean swept by the victorious Hindus.

This affray at Malkapur only five years before Berar was assigned to the Company is a fair example of the estimation in which the Government was held as the guardian of the peace. In 1837 a Musalman shot dead a Rajput of Dattala who had insulted him at the Pimpalgaon fair. The act generated a blood feud, and twelve years later Lal Singh of Dattala, without warning or fresh provocation, assembled a band of nearly three thousand Hindus to avenge his relation's death. The fanatical Sikhs of Nanded on the Godavari sent a contingent of five hundred men and the first news of the impending attack came to the Musalmans of Malkapur from their friends at Patur, who sent hasty word that this formidable company was marching by. The Rajputs and Sikhs assaulted Malkapur. There was the usual street fighting, burning, sacking, and slaying, though not many lives were lost, and the Muhammedans were worsted. This was, however, only the first game of the rubber, for the Musalmans were flocking to the fray from neighbouring towns; from Burhanpur especially a strong body had set out. The police and the local militia under the talukdar were utterly powerless, but detachments of the Nizam's army [The Hyderabad contingent.], under Major Arthur Wyn-dham, then arrived and found Malkapur empty and deserted. The Musalmans had been driven out and the Rajputs had retreated to Dattala, where they afterwards had a skirmish with the troops.

The country was harried from time to time by bands of men under leaders who set up in defiance of the government on various pretexts, but always with the real object of plundering. Such a captain would start with a small party, and would soon be joined, unless at once put down, by all the adventurers of the Deccan. If a Hindu, he sometimes pretended to be Apa Saheb (the Nagpur Raja, he who escaped from British custody in 1819); and preached delivery of Berar from the Musalman yoke.

A.D. 1841.

In  1841 one Mogut Rav came with a small company to a village near Jalgaon, declaring himself to be a chief of the Shindes family, and offering great rewards to all who would join him in conquering Berar. He assembled a crowd of armed persons, and even seduced some men of substance; with these he drove out the Nizam's officers and for a short time occupied that side of the country. He was put down and driven off by the combined forces of the talukdars and the irregular force under British officers, but not without much marching and skirmishng of a rather serious kind. Mogut Rav had hoisted the Bhosle flag on the walls of Jamod (Akola district), and make a fair stand there, the deshmukhs and deshpandes all assisting him. Then in 1848 came from Nagpur a man who called himself Apa Saheh, the ex-Raja of Nagpur. In the Wun district he publicly proclaimed his pretension to Berar, and was actively supported as usual, by all the hereditary Hindu officials. With their aid he collected troops and arms throughout Berar, engaged a gang of Rohilas, and openly took the field with about 4,000 men. The British irregular forces pursued him, and attacked his party posted among hills near Kalam, when the rebels were driven off: but Brigadier Onslow died on the field from a fall from his horse. This was in May 1849. In June Brigadier Hampton's cavalry by forced marches got Apa Saheb's banditti within reach of their sabres; after a sharp and spirited action, in which the Brigadier was dangerously wounded, Apa Saheb was captured, and his followers dispersed [It may here be mentioned that the last fight of this kind in Berar was at Chichamba, near Risod, in 1859, with a plundering party of Rohilas was pursued by a detachment of the Haidarabad Contingent into the village. Being thus driven to bay behind walls, they resisted an assault by the fatigued Contingent infantry and Captain Mackinnon was then killed.].

Throughout these troubles the behaviour of the Hindu deshmukhs and other paragana officers was most significantly treasonable against the Nizam's government. They did their best to thwart his commanders and to abet the pretenders, although the rebel bands plundered and ravished wherever they went [Military correspondence in Presidency office.].

After the old-war-time came the " cankers of a calm world ". For then began the palmy days of the great farmers general at Hyderabad, who flourished like green bay-trees. Messrs. Palmer and Company overshadowed the Government, and very nearly proved too strong for Sir C. Metcalfe, when he laid the axe to the root of their powers; they had made large loans at 24 per cent. to the Nizam's government, for the maintenance of that very numerous cavalry which (as has been already mentioned) was organised at the instance of the British Resident for the protection of Berar. Then Puran Mal, a mighty money-lender of Hyderabad, got most of Berar in farm, but in 1839 he was turned out of his districts by the Nizam's minister, under pressure from the British Resident. Puran Mal refused to quit hold of his security for advances made and showed fight when Messrs. Pestanji sent agents to take his place—for after all the Nizam had only changed his banker. However, Puran Mal had to give up; but he presented to the Hyderabad government an account showing balance due to him of two millions sterling, which the ministry altogether refused to pay, proving, by a different system of book-keeping, that Puran Mal was deeply in debt to the treasury.

Messrs. Pestanji and Company had no better luck in the sequel. These were enterprising Parsi merchants, who in 1825-26 made, according to their own statement, the first considerable exportation of cotton from Berar to Bombay. They gave liberal advances to cotton-growers, set up cotton-screws at Khamgaon and other places, and took up generally the export of produce from the Nizam's country.

A.D. 1841.

In 1841 large assignments of revenue in Berar for reimbursement of advances to the  State were made to them by Chandu Lal; but in 1843 (A.D. 1843.) that minister resigned, having conducted the State to the verge of bankruptcy, and Pestanji had to deal with another cabinet. He claimed about forty lakhs  of rupees.

A.D. 1845.

Nevertheless, in 1845, he was ordered to give up his Berar districts; and his collecting agents were attacked at Parbhani, Balapur, and Akola. Sixteen of his men were killed at the place first named, so he was forced to evacuate the assignments; while his subsequent importunities for payment seem to have been stayed off by exchequer bills and cheques on native bankers, which all proved inconvertible currency ["How do you mean to pay the native bankers? " said Sir C.Metcalfe to Chandu Lal, when the Nizam's debts were under adjustment. " Pay them," answered the Minister, "why I don't mean to pay them at all; they have received interest over and over again, and I'll pay no more, " Speech of Mr. Russell before the Court of Proprietor: (1825), quoted in Briggs's Nizam.].

Messrs. Pestanji and Co. had made large and liberal advances to land tenants in Berar; they had thus restored cultivation over wide tracts, and rekindled the lamp in many deserted villages. Among Berar agriculturists they have left a very good reputation.

All these proceedings may have damaged the State's credit, as Raja Chandu Lal's financing had hampered its revenue; for in 1845 and in several succeeding years, the pay of the Nizam's irregular force maintained under the treaty of 1800 had to be advanced by the British Government.

A.D. 1850.

In 1850 it had fallen again into heavy arrears. There were other unsatisfied claims of the British Government on the Nizam; and his whole debt amounted to forty-five lakhs in 1853. The bankruptcy of the Hyderabad Government disorganized their administration; the non-payment of the troops continued to be a serious political evil.

A.D. 1853.

Therefore, in 1853, a new treaty was concluded with the Nizam, under which the existing Hyderabad contingent force was maintained by the British Government, in lieu of the troops which the Nizam had been previously bound to furnish on demand in time of war; while, for the payment of this contingent, and other claims on the Nizam, districts yielding a gross revenue of fifty lakhs of rupees were assigned to the British Government. And the districts in Berar—Payinghat and Balaghat—which this treaty assigned to British management, are now popularly understood to form the province of Berar, although they do not all coincide in extent with the boundaries of that province under the Nizam, still less with the imperial subah. Berar was thus divided into two Districts — South Berar (the Balaghat) with headquarters at Hingoli and North Berar with headquarters at Buldhana.

The territory made over to the British under this treaty comprised, besides the Assigned Districts as they now exist, the districts of Dharashiv (Osmanabad) and the Raichur Doab. It was agreed that accounts should be annually rendered to the Nizam, and that any surplus revenue should be paid to him. The Nizam was released from the obligations of furnishing a large force in time of war; the contingent ceased to be part of the Nizam's army, and became an auxiliary force kept up by the British Government for the Nizam's use [Aitchison's Treaties.]. The detail of the background to the treaty of 1853 from the time General Fraser came to Hyderabad as resident in 1837 are as under:—

General Fraser came to Hyderabad as a Resident in 1838. He perceived very early that the Government of Hyderabad was involved in financial difficulties due to the pernicious principle of farming out districts and assignment of revenues for meeting its debt obligations. The expenditure on its irregular army was very heavy with the result that while on the one hand the debts of the State were increasing, there was also an annual deficit of about 60 lakhs of rupees in the State finance. Hyderabad had paid heavily for its financial difficulties when in 1822-23 Hyderabad had to forgo the Peshkash from the Fraser perceived that Chandu Lal the Minister had outlived his Co. Difficulties on the same scale were mounting up in Hyderabad in 1840-41. There was no attempt at reforming the administration and the uncertain policy of the Residents after the departure of Sir Charles Metcalfe in not forcing Hyderabad to adopt measures of revenue reforms and cutting down expenditure, had brought the administration virtually to a standstill. General Fraser perceived that Chandulal the Minister had outlived his usefulness and that he was the general obstacle to reforms. Chandu Lal had stood by the British, assisted them in the third Maratha war, agreed to the establishment of the Contingent, had never opposed its increased numbers of expenses and had accepted any and every measure which would benefit the East India Company in any war; but he had never shown any urge to reform the administration. His one aim was to maintain his power with the help of the British.

The Government of India was always reluctant to ask for reforms in the State on the grounds that this would amount to interference in the internal affairs of the State; but where it was the question of the consolidation of the Contingent the Government of India always found means to take strong and effectual measures without any scruples. General Fraser urged constantly the necessity for reforms in the State but this was not agreed to by the successive Governors-General of his period, viz., Lord Auckland, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Hardinge and Marquis Dalhousie.

General Fraser's first efforts were directed towards the removal of Raja Chandu Lal from his post. This result was achieved when owing to increasing financial embarrassment and the lack of support from the Resident, Raja Chandu Lal made one last desperate attempt in April 1843 by applying for a loan of one crore of rupees to clear off the debts of the State in lieu of assignment of territory yielding 17 lakhs of rupees annually as security for the payment of the debt. This was not agreed to with the result that Raja Chandu Lal resigned in 1843. He was succeeded by Siraj-ul-Mulk after a long delay of 18 months. Siraj-ul-Mulk's ministry was also a failure as nothing could be done to meet the financial obligations. Meanwhile Lord Dalhousie had arrived in India. After a brief tenure as minister, Siraj-ul-Mulk was removed from his office on 10th of November 1848 and Shams-ul-umra was appointed as minister in his place. Lord Dalhousie continued to insist on the discharge of the debt for the Contingent and would do nothing to accept the Resident's recommendations for reforms in the State. Shams-ul-umra too resigned after a brief period of five months. The prospect of the settlement of debt remained as remote as ever and the monthly payment of the Contingent continued to remain in arrears. Lord Dalhousie directed the Resident to require that the whole amount should be paid by the 31st of December 1850; in case of failure decided steps which would mean the exaction of territorial security for the amount would be taken. Lord Dalhousie even enquired of the districts which would be useful for this purpose. It was found that these districts would be the Berar's. The average annual expenses of the Contingent were about 40 lakhs of rupees; besides this the Nizam's own army consisting of irregulars was costing the Government of Hyderabad double this sum. It was due to this heavy expenditure and also mal-administration that the Government of Hyderabad had run into heavy debts. The debts of Hyderabad to the East India Company had by 1850 amounted to 64 lakhs of rupees. The duties of Shams-ul-umra were now entrusted to Raja Ram Buksh. Even he could not carry on for a long time and after a brief interval Siraj-ul-mulk was once again made the minister. The Hyderabad Government had by this time paid upwards of 42 lakhs of rupees under heavy pressure and a second instalment of about 32 lakhs of rupees had been promised to be paid by the end of October 1851. As by this time, the Nizam had announced that in the reduction of troops contemplated, the Contingent would not be included. Lord Dalhousie decided in January 1852 not to proceed for some time to extreme measures. These extreme measures which had been contemplated were to take over some districts in mortgage as security for the debts. Although this plan was suspended for some time, protracted correspondence went on between the Resident and the minister on the very partial imperfect manner in which the arrears of the Contingent was being paid. By this time Lord Dalhousie had made up his mind to have the Berar province by means of treaty. He had already on 10th of April 1852 directed the Resident to make every possible arrangement for the regular payment of the Contingent, " abstaining at this moment from pressing for the payment of the principal of the Company's debt." This Lord Dalhousie achieved by the treaty of 21st of May 1853. General Fraser resigned in November 1852 and was succeeded by Colonel Low. On taking charge, the Resident had to advance a large sum of money from the Company's treasury to pay the Contingent so that by March 1853 the debt of the Government of Hyderabad had again gone up to 45 lakhs of rupees. In April 1853 the Resident under the orders of the Government of India placed before the Nizam a proposal for a new treaty. This treaty concluded on 21st of May 1853 laid down that "in lieu of the present Contingent the company agreed to maintain an auxiliary force to be paid from the Nizam's revenue and entitled the Hyderabad Government and to provide for the regular payment of this force and certain obligations. " The Nizam agreed to assign districts yielding an annual gross revenue of 50 lakhs of rupees. Reciprocally the Government of India accepted that any surplus revenue accruing from these districts, after the necessary charges were met, were to be made over to the Nizam. The treaty secured to the Nizam the full use of the auxiliary troops. It also released him from the liability of being called upon to supply a large military force in times of war and from the immediate payment of 50 lakhs of rupees.

Thus the province of Berar and the districts of Osmanabad and Raichur were taken over by the East India Company and these regions passed under its direct administration.

As stated earlier, the Berars were divided into northern and southern Berar and the administration of the Berars was vested in the British resident at Hyderabad. The northern Berar had an area of 6.400 square miles and a population of 9.50.000 with an annual income of Rs. 25,40,500. The southern Berar occupied an area of 8,200 square miles and had a populatoin of 5,13,000 vielding an annual revenue of about Rs. 7,70,800. The southern Berar included some parts of the ex-Hyderabad State such as Hingoli.

It may be pointed out here that the provisions of the Treaty of 1853 which required the submission of annual accounts of the Assigned Districts to the Nizam, were productive of much inconvenience and embarrassing discussions. Difficulties had also arisen regarding the levy of the 5 per cent, duty on goods under the commercial treaty of 1802. To remove these difficulties, and at the same time to reward the Nizam for his services in the revolt of 1857 which had scarcely affected Berar a new treaty was concluded in December 1860, by which the debt of fifty lakhs due by the Nizam was cancelled; the territory of Surapur, which had been confiscated for the rebellion of the Raja, was ceded to the Nizam: and the districts of Osmanabad and the Raichur Doab were restored to him. On the other hand the Nizam ceded certain districts on the left bank of the Godavari, traffic on which river was to be free from all duties and agreed that the remaining Assigned Districts in Berar together with other districts, making up a gross revenue of Rs. 32,00,000 should be held in trust by the British Government for the purposes specified in the Treaty of 1853, but that no demand for accounts of the receipts and expenditure of the Assigned Districts should be made [Wun Revenue Ro rds.]. Certain territorial exchanges were also made, with the object of bringing under British administration those lands within these districts which were held in jagir for payment of troops, or which were: allotted for the Nizam's privy purse.

A.D. 1853.

The history of Berar since 1853 was marked by no important political events besides the change made under the Treaty of 1861. Its smooth course was scarcely ruffled even by the struggle of 1857. After the Mutiny the province was reconstituted into East Berar with headquarters at Amravati and West Bcrar with headquarters at Akola, the present Buldhana district being included in the latter. In 1858 Tatya Tope got into the Satpuda hills, and tried to break across southward that he might stir up the Deccan: but he was headed at all outlets and never got away into the Berar valley. It was in 1858 that Amravati and Akola districts were created and Wun district which later become Yeotmal was formed in 1864. In the same year the tahsils of Malkapur, Chikhli and Mehkar were separated from the West Berar district and formed into an independent charge styled the South-West Berar district, a clumsy designation which was changed in the following year to the Mehkar district. In 1867 Buldhana was selected as the headquarters of the district, to which it thenceforth gave its name. In 1868 Basim district was formed while Achalpur and Mehkar which had been at one time districts were abolished. An agent of the Resident at Hyderabad was posted at Amravati for the better administration of Berar.

The management of these districts by the Nizam's officers had been worse than the contemporary administration of the adjoining Nagpur territory, which was during a long minority under British regency, and which continued to be well governed until it lapsed. Consequently, a stream of emigrants had flowed toward the Nagpur country across the Wardha from Berar. " And thus " (writes Sir R. Temple in 1967) [Then Resident at Hyderabad.] "the condition of Berar when the province was assigned to British management, though weakly and needing restorative measures, was not beyond the hope of sneedy recovery. And fortunately the means of restoration were at hand; for its fertility: and its repute, always high, was further enhanced by the fact of so much of it having remained fallow during the years, a circumstance which was supposed to ensure a rich return to those who reclaimed the waste and raised the first crops on virgin culture The neighbouring districts were full of families who had emigrated thither from Berar, and who with the usual attachment of the people to their original patrimony, were anxious to return on any Suitable opportunity. Thus hundreds of families and thousands of individuals immigrated back into Berar. Many villages in the Nagpur country lost many of their hands in this way, and were sometimes put to serious straits. Some apprehension was even caused to the Nagpur officials. But of course the natural course of things had its way, and eastern Berar became replenished. This was only one mode out of several, which it would be tedious to detail, whereby the cultivation of Berar was restored and augmented.

"But there shortly supervened the consequences of the American war, which indeed stimulated many parts of India but which (if the metaphor is admissible) positively electrified Berar. Before this, cotton had been one out of many staples. It now became the prevailing, absorbing, predominating product. Much of other sorts of culture was displaced to make room for it. The people imported quantities of food-grain from the Nagpur country, in order that they might have the more land whereon to raise the remunerative cotton crop. The staple, too, is one that requires much manual toil in weeding, picking, ginning, packing, and the like. Hence there arose a great and urgent demand for rural labour, which of course operated to raise the standard of wages. A great exportation of cotton to Bombay was soon established. The importation of foreign produce was far from proportionate; consequently, much of the return for this cotton consisted of cash and bullion. This circumstance making money cheap, tended to raise the prices of all things. Another effect was that the labouring and producing classes, especially the agriculturists, were rapidly enriched.

"At the very same time, the construction of railway works throughout the whole length of the province was at its full swing, not only causing the employment of all labour, skilled and unskilled, that could be got on the spot, but also introducing a large foreign element, which settled temporarily, at least, in the province. Thus the value of labour, and the rates of prices generally, were still further enhanced.

"In other parts of India the operation of these or similar causes has been perceptible, but in many parts it has been partial only; in others its force may have been detracted from by other influences. But in Berar it was universal, extending from one end of the province to the other; and there was nothing whatever to counteract its force. It is this sort of universality which constitutes, perhaps, the peculiarity of the process in these districts.

"This state of things has rendered the people generally prosperous, progressive, and contented. Some classes do, unfortunately suffer therefrom. This, though perhaps it may be mitigated cannot altogether be helped. Those who suffer will naturally complain, but that the accession to provincial prosperity has been vast and rapid is unquestionable. The most sanguine anticipations of the growth of the province in importance have been more than realized, and there is everything in favour of its further increase. "

Berar was now clamouring for the establishment of local self-Government. Taking a bold attitude the Warhad Samachar expressed the popular feeling that people feared to oppose the Government officers not from any hope of advancement but fear of being removed, if they opposed the wishes of officers who nominated them. An instance was cited when in the course of discussion and in the presence of the Commissioner the resolution on female education was opposed by the officials even when it was carried by the non-official majority. Complaints were made by them that the non-official section of the municipal committees did as they liked regardless of public interest. It had been announced in 1881 by the Berar Government that a municipal committee would be established in each town having a population of 5,000 people and on which five members would be appointed by the Deputy Commissioner. This committee would look to the cleanliness and other matters in the town. There were, however, serious complaints about the personnel of these committees.

In an editorial dated the 15th January 1883, the Warhad Samachar stated that it was our duty to awaken all people of Berar to make a demand for local fund committees being fully administered by peoples' representatives. Now. the Deputy Commissioner spends local funds according to his own sweet-will without caring for the public. Therefore, people of various places should note that they should stand united behind the right to demand local self-government. They should send their resolution to the committee established at Akola in connection with the movement for the introduction of local self-government. The people of Akola should organise a squad of propagandists and popularise the demand in various places and should take the initiative in organizing a provincial conference to consider the matter. Apparently as a result of this agitation, the Resident at Hyderabad called a conference and decided finally that Berar should have elected representatives in its local bodies and the announcement was widely acclaimed.

The Municipal Act of 1883 was extended to Berar in 1887 and district boards were established. The Berar Government in its report of 1889 to 1890 referred to their work and were glad to note that our municipalities with the new phase of elective franchise are progressing steadily and satisfactorily and are all in a financially sound state.

The education department was established in Berar in 1866-67. A teachers' association was also started in Berar, the first meeting of which was held in August 1883. The whole system of education was so rudimentary that it was fit only for a semi-civilised, backward people; not for a land of ripe and ancient civilization which had long ago given light and learning to the West. The new education was meant to make the people soft, docile and unenterprising.

There were, however, separate schools for European and Anglo-Indians in which the system of teaching was different and the syllabus was according to Cambridge University. It was brought home to the students in these schools that the Europeans were the rulers and the Indians ruled.

An incident reported in the Berar Samachar in its issue of 6th May 1877, reveals to what insane extent this attitude can go:

"A European was walking on the road in Nagpur and taking umbrage at a Kunbi caught hold of him and commanded Ram-dayal, a municipal peon who was near at hand, to cut off his head. Ramdayal was aghast at the order of the sahib and when the latter had left the spot, he let him off. Seeing this the sahib returned and asked Ramdayal in anger why he had not carried out the order. Thereafter, the sahib stabbed poor Ramdayal as a result of which he died. He was produced before a magistrate but was discharged on the plea of not being in his proper senses when he stabbed the peon."

This was not an isolated case of racial madness. The Berar Samachar in its issue of the 3rd September 1876, published the following account of the inconsiderate behaviour of the head of the province:

" The Chief Commissioner, Mr. Morris, one day saw an innocent unlettered Indian going to fetch water from the well situated in the compound of his bungalow. Mr. Morris challenged him upon which the poor Indian apologised and said that he would not have dared had he known that the bungalow was occupied bv a bara sahib. Not being satisfied, Mr. Morris had him arrested and the man was produced before a magistrate who let him off. But Mr. Morris was not going to leave him at that; he ordered his retrial by another magistrate who fined him four rupees. The Judicial Commissioner, Colonel Mackenzie, before whom the case went up in appeal, acquitted the man and passed 'structures upon the magistrate who had found him guilty. "

Now. the point of this incident is that a responsible officer like the Chief Commissioner was so callous in his treatment of an Indian whose only offence was that he wanted to draw water from the well in his compound. The Berar Samachar summed up its comments on this episode by saying that it was not safe to leave lakhs of people of the Nagpur province to the tender mercies of a Chief Commissioner like Morris.

The birth of the Indian National Congress had a profound effect on the political situation in Berar as in other parts of the country. Though the policy of the British to divide and rule was paying them rich dividends, it was creating a turmoil in the minds of the people and the atmosphere was seething with discontent. The district of Buldhana had its own share in these happenings.

Another important organisation founded at this time was the Gorakshan Sabha which had considerable political influence though primarily its interest was to preserve the cattle wealth of the country. Forty-nine such sahhas were established in Central Provinces and Berar which gradually assumed the form of an All-India organisation.

It may be noted that the younger generation of Berar had to a great extent been educated in Pune and Bombay and was greatly attracted towards the Congress. The Indian National Congress elicited an official ill-will on the part of the British Government and in Berar a warning from Government sources was sent to patch, patwvaris and deshmukhs asking them to keep aloof from the Indian National Congress and its activities.

The first session of the Congress held in Nagpur was in 1891 and was attended by 480 delegates from Berar. This session gave a great stimulus to the National movement in the Central Provinces and Berar. Most of the English knowing persons—pleaders, land-holders and men of various professions—attended the session. Every one seemed to be inspired with the idea that he had come to Nagpur for the sake of the nation and returned filled with the zeal to serve the nation's cause. It was at this time that Loka-manya Bal Gangadhar Tilak began to play an increasingly active part in the life of the country through his rousing articles in Kesari.

The last decade of the nineteenth century was almost continuously haunted by famines. The settlement rates of revenue carried out in 1891 were so high that the cultivator could hardly pay them. The famine first struck in 1892 which was followed by one in 1894 and by another in 1894-95 and again in 1895-96. The Berar Samachar published stories of the sufferings of the people. While these series of famines devastated the Central Provinces and Berar, the western and northern parts of the country were visited by the pestilence of bubonic plague which took a heavy toll of life. But the plague had another, indirect and far-reaching consequence on the politics of the country. The behaviour of the military which was called out to deal with the situation arising from the pestilence in the country aroused great indignation. It was at this time that Rand and Ayerst were murdered by the Chafekar brothers. Tilak was tried and sentenced to 18 months rigorous imprisonment. It was under the shadow of this gloom that the thirteenth session of the Congress was held at Amravati in Berar. It condemned the reactionary policy of the Government. It thus appeared that a new note had begun to be heard in the country—the strident, impatient, challenging voice of a nation groaning under years of bureaucratic rule.

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