The Gazetteers Department

Rebellion broke out in the district of Bid in 1818 and was led by Dharmaji Pratap Rav. On 11th July 1818, the Risala of Navab Murtaza Yar Jang, under the command of Lieutenant John Sutherland, was ordered to proceed to Bid for the protection of that part of the country, and was at the same time to be kept in motion throughout the district. Lieutenant Sutherland having received information of the appearance in the district of the formidable rebel Dharmaji Pratap Rav, who had troubled the Nizam's government for many years, pursued and came up with him on 31st July 1818. Sutherland, on 30th July, had changed the direction from Dyton to Deeby which place he reached a little after daybreak on the morning of the 31st and surrounded it with a few men who had come up some miles at a gallop. The place was afterwards closely invested, and two 30 feet ladders being ready by three o'clock, preparations were made for an escalade. Eighty mounted men were formed into eight parties, and so placed as to prevent escape. Fifty matchlockmen were posted on a hill which overlooked the village to cover the English advance, and the remaining, Sutherland formed into two storming parties, one under 1st Jamadar Sadee Khan, and the other under himself. On a signal given to the hill and repeated to Sadee Khan, the English advanced to storm. The garrison threw open the gates to receive Sutherland's party and stood to defend it sword in hand. Sadee Khan advanced with a coolness and determination which would have done credit to any troops, planted his ladder, and advanced through the body of the place to meet the other party. Sutherland was wounded at the gate and unable to advance. The two parties, however, advanced and carried everything before them, drove the garrison from bastion to bastion, and at last came to the one where Dharmaji had taken post with a few men. They threw down their arms, and here Dharmaji and his brother were made prisoners. The English loss was considerable. Navab Muhammad Azim Khan had volunteered to accompany the English on this expedition from Bid and their success they owed to his intelligence and local knowledge, on the night march of 45 miles the darkest and the most rainy imaginable.

The Maratha war came to an end with the annexation of Pesva's territory in 1818. In 1822 a treaty was concluded between the British and the Nizam, by which the latter was released from the obligation of paying the Cauth to which the British had succeeded after the overthrow of the Pesva in 1818.

The Nizam Sikandar Jah died in 1829 and was succeeded by his son Nasir-ud-daullah. The minister Raja Candu Lai continued to be at the helm of the affairs. Apart from the growing expenditure on the contingent forces which the government of the Nizam was not able to meet and for which it was becoming heavily indebted to the British, the pernicious system of farming out districts was resulting in the economic ruin of the State. The State swarmed with Arab and Rohilla adventurers who besides acquiring important positions in the State indulged in lending money to the government and in return held extensive tracts from the State as mortgages. This gave them a vicious hold on the districts. The needy Jahagirdars were allowed to borrow money from these adventurers and in return mortgaged their estate to them. In this way extensive portions of districts like Osmanabad and Bid were held by the Rohillas and the Arabs. The officers to whom districts were farmed out were often the very ones who held portions of their charge as mortgagees. They were expected to realise revenues from the districts under their charge and after meeting the required expenditure on administration deposit a fixed sum of money with the government. In this case too the government was cheated of its dues. At this time a number of currencies were prevalent in Hyderabad. The officers would realise the revenues from their disticts in the currency prevalent in that area but would deposit the required dues in the currency prevalent in Hyderabad; the latter was generally of lesser value than the currency prevalent in a particular district. The balance was pocketed by the officers. Any demand of the state was quietly avoided by means of heavy bribery and corruption. A typical example is that of the district of Bid. At the beginning of the 19th century an Afghan adventurer by name Dula Khan entitled Karrar-Navaz Khan Bahadur succeeded in obtaining the talukadari of the district of Naldurg (Osmanabad). Later, the district of Bid also was added to his charge. Karrar-Navaz Khan died in 1825. His son Amir Navaz Khan was entrusted with the administration of the district of Bid. Writing in 1842, Gulam Hussain, the author of Tarikhe Gulzare Asafia writes as follows "After the death of his father Amir Navaz Khan succeeded in obtaining charge of his district through the revenue officers of Hyderabad, Raja Khusal Cand, Raja Ujgar Cand and Trimbak Pandit. He visited the court twice and was given the titles of Jung, Daula and Mulk. He pleased everybody by liberal presents. He used to deposit the required revenue income of the district through Laksman Gir, a Gosavi banker of Kalyani in accordance with the instalments fixed. He was also prompt in payment of emoluments to the salary holders (tankhadar) of the State. Amir Navaz Khan used to stay for sometime at Naldurg which was under his charge and for sometime at Bid and Dharur. When he visited Hyderabad for the second time he spent two lakhs of rupees in giving presents to the officers and clerks of the revenue department (Divani) and the personal attendants (Sagirdapesa) of the Nizam He also made a nazar (present) of five lakhs of rupees to the Nizam, the ladies of the palace and the revenue ministers. Amir Navaz Khan held a mansab of 5,000. "

The author visited Bid in the year 1835 and was a guest of Amir Navaz Khan. The author being a physician was called upon to treat the wife of Amir Navaz Khan who was seriously ill For having cured her the physician received a fee of Rs. 4,000 in addition to the presents of horses and clothes. Amir Navaz Khan died in the year 1842. The charge of the district was conferred on his son who received his father's title. The accounts of the district were checked by Sonaii Pandit, an officer of the revenue department in Hyderabad. It appears that the son of Amir Navaz Khan retained the forts of Naldurg and Dharur along with adjacent territory but handed over the government of Bid and a few other talukas.

During the rule of Nizam Nasir-ud-daullah (1829-1857) the administration of the country fell into great disorder. "The revenues of the State were farmed to contractors who were practically supreme in the several districts. In consequence the grossest oppressions prevailed and the disciplined force under British officers was repeatedly called out to repress local rebellions. The State was deeply involved in debt both to merchants and to the British government. The annual payment to the Nizam for the northern Sarkars were capitalised for a fixed sum by which the Nizam's government was temporarily extricated from its difficulty." During the time of Sikandar Jah, the previous Nizam, British officers had been employed in different districts for the purposes of revenue settlement. They were withdrawn at the request of the Nizam Nasir-ud-daullah as a result of which disorder and misrule again returned to the State. The credit of the State was so bad that bankers refused to grant loans. The minister Candu Lal who had administered the State since the year 1808 found himself to unable to cope with the financial embarrassment and resigned his office on 6th September 1843. After some delay Siraj-ul-mulk was appointed as the Divan. In the meantime the debt on the expenditure incurred for the contingent forces was increasing. The Nizam's government had to meet this debt. The British informed the Nizam in 1843 that in the event of application for further advances, a territorial security for the payment of debts would be demanded. In 1851 the Nizam's government made a payment of 40 lakhs to the British. But the total debt amounted to Rs. 78 lakhs. By 1853 the debt had again risen to Rs. 45 lakhs. In 1853 the Nizam was forced to enter into a treaty with the British by which be assigned in trust districts in Berar, Dharasiv (Osmanabad) and the Raicur doab. It was agreed that accounts should be annually rendered to the Nizam and that any surplus revenue which might accrue should be paid to him. The Nizam was relieved of any further obligation with regard to the contingent forces which ceased to be part of the Nizam's army. The loss of territory was keenly felt by the Nizam. His minister Siraj-ul-mulk died shortly after the signing of the treaty and was succeeded in that office by his nephew, the celebrated Salarjung. The new minister exerted himself to introduce reforms in every branch of administration. The system of farming of the districts was discontinued and salaried officials were appointed to the districts. Before Salarjung could make any headway with his reforms, Nasir-ud-daullah died in May, 1857 and was succeeded by his eldest son Afzal-ud-daullah. It was in 1857 that India witnessed the great struggle against the British throughout the length and breadth of the country. On 17th July 1857 the British residency in Hyderabad was attacked hut the attack was repulsed. In these operations Salarjang loyally co-operated with the British. Grave disturbances took place at Aurangabad. They were put down by General Woodburn. The whole State continued to remain disturbed for a long time. The district of Bid could not remain unaffected. A number of conspiracies affected the district. The most prominent of these was the one started by Rang Rav, a Kulkarni (village official) of Nalkhed in the district of Bid.

Conspiracy of Rang Rav: The conspiracy of Rang Rao, which took place in the year 1858, arose from the orders and proclamation which he secured from Nana Saheb Peshwa calling upon the people in the Deccan to emulate the example of their compatriots in the north and rise against the British. As early as February 1857, Sonaji Pandit, a Daftardar in the estate of Raja Rai Rayan, a nobleman of Hyderabad, had addressed a letter to Nana Saheb Peshwa at Cawnpore. Sonaji Pandit had already been banished from Hyderabad and was residing in a Jagir village. He entrusted the letters addressed to Nana Saheb Peshwa to one Rang Rao Pagay, a village official, to be carried to the north. Ranga Rao seems to have left for Cawnpore in the middle of 1857. He met Nana Saheb and secured orders and instructions addressed to the leading people in the Deccan. On his way back, a number of these documents seem to have been lost. Two of these documents have been traced in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad. They are rendered below: —

(1)

" Notification by the Government of the Pant Pradhan Peshwa Bahadur to the soldiery, to the Kulkarnis, to Bagaji Patil and to the Deshmukhs and Deshpandes of the districts of Nagar and Sholapur.

Let it be known that in Hindusthan the Hindus and the Muhammadans. having been provoked to stand up together to defend their faiths, have attacked the camps of the Sahebs and they (the Sahebs) have been slain everywhere. In consequence it is being made known to you by these presents that Shree Ratnakar Page Narkhedkar and Sonajipant of Hyderabad have been charged with the responsibility of organizing effective resistance in those parts. You are, therefore, enjoined to act in the name of your faith and destroy the Englishmen wherever they may be found. This is the only way in which Hindus and Muhammadans alike will be able to preserve their faiths. Whosoever will lend his whole-hearted support to this cause will live to see his prosperity and will earn out rewards too. Dated the 4th of Ramzan corresponding to Vaishakh Shudha Panchami, Sunday, Shak 1780."

(2)

"To Sonajipant Daftardar of Hyderabad. Here the Hindu people have killed the Sahebs in the army, having been provoked to the act by an affront to their religious sentiments. It is a pity that people there are so apathetic to their faith. Rajesri Ranga Rao Ratnakar, who has explained to us the position there in detail, is now being sent with a notification to all the soldiers and officers and to the Deshmukhs and Deshpandes of districts to act with speed. You are, therefore, to oversee the efficient conduct of these matters. In doing so you will be only acting in your best interests. Dated the 4th of Ramzan, Shak 1780, month of Vaishakh."

Rang Rao had reached Aurangabad, when he heard that Sonaji Pandit, the author of the communication addressed to Nana Saheb Peshwa, had died on 26th February, 1(859. Rang Rao then moved towards Hyderabad and on his way stopped at Kowlas in the district of Nanded. Raja Deep Singh of Kowlas seems to have either encouraged Rang Rao in his designs or connived at them. Rang Rao established contacts with a number of people in and about Kowlas. He also sent word to Safdar-ud-Dowla of the Nimbalkar family. The reply which Safdar-ud-Dowla gave shows how the disaffected elements in Hyderabad were impelled by an urge to join in a plan of general rising against the British: —

"I received your letter and noted the contents. I am again sending Shaikh Madar with letters addressed to the Tamedars. As you are aware the Jamedars are my enemies. Whatever you write the Jamedars should swear for it. You should not hesitate to despatch their letters. I have reposed my confidence in you. I came to know in detail about the agent through your letter. It is learnt that he is the only agent. You had written that he had got a letter addressed to me. Please get that letter from him and send it to me carefully. If you find that he carries no letter addressed to me please ask him to obtain the same and despatch it to me. Soon after the receipt of that letter I shall certainly proceed to meet him

All the Arabs, Sindhies and Baluchies in the city will remain in the city. Not a single soldier will remain in the city as I have made all necessary arrangements in that regard. God willing, we shall be successful. When I go to see him then he will know that the whole army is with me and whatever may be commanded will certainly be complied with. But this is subject to the condition that I receive the letter. How would one risk to undertake such a mighty task unless one is satisfied? Recruitment of persons to any service is also conditioned on arrangements being made for the payment of salaries to the newly recruited soldiers. I have collected 20 to 25 thousand Hawai (sky rockets) and I can ensure their safe and secure transport. I am, however, eagerly waiting for the orders. More information may be had from Shaikh Madar. The letter to the Mutasaddi bears my seal in order that he may not face any obstruction from any quarter in the course of his journey. Please send back Shaikh Madar at your earliest convenience " [From unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office Hyderabad].

The plan of Rang Rao seems to have failed mainly due to the lack of finances. The plot was discovered early in 1859 as a result of which Rang Rao, the Raja of Kowlas, Safdar-ud-Dowla and other associates were arrested and put up for trial. The following extract from a contemporary newspaper is of interest in this context: —

"Englishman, April 12, 1859. The following is from Hyderabad, dated the 29th ultimo:—

'There was no want of significant symptoms to point out to us that the Nizam's subjects were numerously confederated with rebels, and corresponded through emissaries with their chiefs. There was no clue, however, by which to track the conspiracy. The sympathy with the conspirators was almost universal, and time and chance could alone be relied upon for a disclosure of their machinations. That has now fortunately occurred, and from the apprehension of four conspirators, against whom there exist proofs of their correspondence with emissaries of the Nana, and of four Talukdars leagued with marauding Rohillas, I have hopes that further traces of a conspiracy I believe to be extensive may be found. Times and circumstances have permitted the bold spirits among those who hate us to manifest openly and ostentatiously a hostile spirit towards us, in some cases even by overt acts. It is now about time that retribution should follow: justice requires it especially, and policy not less so.

The Puttels of Harlee, father and son, gave shelter to Rohillas. Captain Murray, of the Contingent, was sent against them. The Puttels absconded; Captain Murray having discovered that the son had taken refuge in a village two miles distant from Harlee, succeeded in capturing him. The father then gave himself up—rather a curious fact, unless his reliance was that their punishment would not exceed a mulct, for in the village was found not only property plundered at Nelungee, but a correspondence, in original letters, carried on by Sufdur-ood-Dowla, one of the impoverished Hyderabad Ameers, the Raja of Kowlas, considerable Zemindar, and the two before-mentioned Puttels, with an emissary of the Nana, perhaps the Brahmin whom I mentioned in my last letter as imprisoned, tried and convicted. The discovery of the conspiracy is fortuitous, but when we have eight prisoners to deal with, unless they are buoyed up with the hopes of being treated leniently, it will be hard if further disclosures be not made.' "[ Hyderabad Affairs, Vol. III, pp. 228-229.]

Ranga Rao was tried by the Resident himself for treason and attempt to raise troops under instructions from Nana Saheb. He was sentenced to death in April 1859. The sentence was later commuted by the Governor-General to transportation for life to the Andamans, where he died in 1860. Raja Deep Singh, Safdar-ud-Dowla and others were tried by the courts of Hyderabad. Raja Deep Singh was sentenced to three years imprisonment and deprived of his jagirs which were later restored to his son. Safdar-ud-Dowla's movable and immovable property was confiscated and he was sentenced to detention for life. Shaik Madar was sentenced to imprisonment for a year. The property of Raghunath Rao was confiscated and he was sentenced to three years imprisonment. Jai Ram Pateel was dismissed from service and sentenced to three years imprisonment. The statements of the accomplices in this plan of insurrection, (who were later convicted) are given below:—

A Gist of the Statement recorded by Rang Rao Patwari of Narkhed village.

"On being sent for by Sonaji Pandit, I went to him. I was unemployed at that time. The Pandit handed over a letter to me for the purpose of being delivered to Nana Saheb. I crossed the rivers Narmada and Jumna and delivered the letter wrapped in my turban to Nana Saheb at the village of Berwathoda. situated 16 kuroh to the west of Lucknow. Nana Saheb handed to me a reply to the said letter and also a sealed letter in Marathi containing orders for hoisting the flag and creating disturbances. Nana Saheb also gave me letters addressed to Safdar-ud-Daula, Rao Rumbha, Gulab Khan and Bajuri. After taking these letters I returned. I delivered the letters addressed to Gulab Khan and Bajuri at Aurangabad. The letters addressed to Safdar-ud-Daula and Rao Rumbha were seized by dacoits on the way along with my other goods. Only the letter containing the orders and the letter addressed to Sonaji Pandit remained safe and secure. As Sonaji Pandit was dead by the time I returned to his place, I proceeded to Hyderabad. On my journey to Hyderabad I stayed at Madhapur for two days and showed the orders of Nana Saheb to the Naik of that village but he declined to comply with the orders. Babu Patel, son of Jairam Patel, came to Madhapur and along with him proceeded to Halli. There I met Jairam Patel and showed the said orders to him, but he also refused to give effect to the said orders. I stayed there for about eight days and then proceeded to Chakli where I contacted the village Patel, Anand Rao. This Patel also expressed his inability to carry out the said orders. From Chakli village I proceeded to Kowlas and reached there by the end of the month. In Kowlas I stayed, styling myself a medical practitioner, and started practice. The Raja Saheb was ill at that time. Three days after my arrival, I got an interview with the Raja Saheb. I showed the orders of Nana Saheb to the Raja Saheb and also informed him of the work entrusted to me by Nana Saheb and the loss of my belongings and the letters. The Raja Saheb enquired about Nana Saheb and I told him whatever I knew. When I requested him for the implementation of the orders of Nana Saheb he told me that he could not do that work. He gave me some amount and asked me to depart. Thereafter, I met Kasi Ram in connection with the said orders and he agreed to collect 2,000 soldiers comprising Arabs, Rohillas and Deccanese on the condition that arrangements for their salaries should be made by me. I accepted his condition and got a bond written by Baswant Rao, son of Waji Patel, and signed it with my katjar and handed it over to him. From there I started for Palkal village as Ramesar Rao had written a letter to me. When I showed the orders of Nana Saheb to Ramesar Rao he told me that he would first write to Liaqat Ali Jagirdar. After receiving a reply to his letter he would consider. I stayed there for five days and then returned to Kowlas, where I stayed for some days. In my first and second visit to Kowlas I met the Raja Saheb four times. The Raja Saheb told me that my stay at Kowlas was inadvisable and asked me to leave Kowlas. Then I proceeded to Nilekar and stayed with Raghunath Waji for 15 or 16 days and showed him the orders. He told me that those orders would not be of any use and advised me to return to my native place. When I asked for travelling charges from him he did not give me anything. From there I proceeded to Maniknagar and saw Manik Prabhu. I communicated the purpose of my mission. I stayed there for 8 days and with the blessings went to Nilekar village. There I met Bande Ali Patel for a second time and showed the orders. He said that if the people of the adjacent villages rose in revolt he would co-operate with them. From Nilekar I proceeded towards Ankalska but on the way I stopped at Omarga and met the Maharaja and showed him the orders. I had hardly reached the outskirts of Ankalska, when the sawars of the British army arrested me. I did not meet any Naib, Amir or Jamadar in any city or village other than those already mentioned by me. I did not correspond with anybody except that I wrote two letters to Safdar-ud-Daula, one from Palkal and the other from Kowlas. In the first letter I made mention of my meeting with Ramesar Rao Patwari of the Jagir of Liaqat Ali and in the other I asked him to come to Kowlas. In reply to my letters Safdar-ud-Daula wrote that he had noted the contents of my letters and would like to obtain further information from Jairam Patel's letter. "[ From unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad.]

A Gist of the Statement of Safdar-ud-Daula, Convict No. 557.

"As I was facing starvation due to the non-receipt of my salary I wrote a letter to Baja Bai. I received a reply from her that my coming at that moment was inadvisable. It was also mentioned in the letter that I should reach there whenever I was called for. Meanwhile, I was appointed as Ziladar by the Government and went there in that capacity. At that time I was sent for by Baja Bai through a verbal message but I declined to go. After that, I learnt from Shaikh Madar, who had been to Kowlas, that the Mutasaddi of Nana Saheb had come to Kowlas and that he was raising an army. When the Shaikh was offered employment he rejected it as he was already in my service. Thereupon, the Mutasaddi told him that he had a letter from Nana Saheb in my name and that it might be delivered to me safely. But actually he sent a letter to me with Shaikh Madar, which stated that all arrangements had been made and that I should enrol as many Arabs as I could. I replied in Marathi to the effect that the letter from Nana Saheb should first be shown to me and then only the entire forces of the Government could be placed at his disposal. Two other letters on the same subject were sent by the Mutasaddi to Jairam Patel and Bapu Patel with Shaikh Madar. The copy of the translation of the letter that has been produced is undoubtedly the translation of my letter. I did not inform the Government of my reply to the Mutasaddi's letter and also about the development of events............" [From unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad.]

A Gist of the Statement of Raja Deeb Singh, son of Neel Singh, Jagirdar of Kowlas, Convict No. 558.

Deeb Singh, the convict, stated that he was not acquainted with Rang Rao, the agent of Nana. He had neither given four annas daily to the said Brahman nor any cash to Kasi Ram. He had been put behind the prison bars for more than a year and three months. During that period he was released for about two months on condition that he should put down looters. But again he was imprisoned and was serving his sentence at the moment of recording the evidence. Shaikh Madar visited Kowlas in the month of Safar 1275 Hijri. It was reported that about this time the agent of Nana Saheb had come to Kowlas Later, he returned to Deglur, and was staying at the Durgah of Masthan Saheb in Deglur. Here Nana's agent appears to have distributed pamphlets and tried to raise an army. The convict did not keep the Government informed thereof as he did not think it of much importance [From unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad.]

A Gist of the Statement of Shaik Madar, an Employee of Safdar-ud-Dowla, Convict No. 559.

He stated that two letters, one addressed to Babu Patel and the other to Jairam Patel, were given to him by Safdar-ud-Daula for being properly delivered at the village of Halli. He went there and delivered both the letters to Jairam. He could not get any reply as Jairam's son was not present. After staying there for three days he returned to Kowlas and there a Brahman, an agent of Nana, made an offer of service to him but he declined to accept the same and returned to the village of Halli. He saw that Brahman for the first time in the house of the Patel. Then after receiving replies to Safdar-ud-Daula's letters he returned to the city [From unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad.].

A Gist of the Statement of Kasi ram, son of Bahadur Singh, Convict No. 560.

The convict stated that he was an eye-witness to the distribution of Sadabarat by Rang Rao, the agent of Nana Saheb, at the Raja's Devdi. Rang Rao had a talk with Raja Saheb but he was unaware of the subject of their talk. The Raja Saheb arranged for his dwelling in the house of a Brahman Joshi. Ramesar Rao, Vittal Rao, Karnam Parkal, Baswant Rao, son of Waji Karnam of Nilekar, and Bakhtawar Singh all met the agent and enquired about his credentials. Everyone had the impression that he had brought a hundi for five to ten thousand rupees for raising an army of two thousand soldiers. The agent of Nana Saheb had informed them that the amount would be brought from Hyderabad. After that he (the Witness) proceeded to Halli village and met the Raja Saheb thrice [From unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad.].

A Gist of the Statement of Santaji Rao, son of Ram Rao Vinayak Dhadki, Convict No. 561.

The convict stated that at Kowlas Jairam Bhatt Joshi's house was situated opposite to his house. Five other Joshis lived in that house. Rang Rao, the agent, also stayed at that house for 15 or 20 days. The said Joshis were the Pujaris of the Raja of Kowlas. They spoke about Rang Rao to the Raja Saheb. Rang Rao told the accused that he had the orders of Nana Saheb with him. Nana Saheb had ordered that 5,000 horsemen and 10,000 soldiers should be employed for fighting against the English and Putting them to death. Of course, he did not see those orders. Rang Rao told him that the Raja Saheb was paying him four annas daily. He was not aware of the negotiations between Rang Rao and the Raja Saheb. After some days Rang Rao Proceeded to Halli village on a pony. [From unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad.]

A Gist of Statement of Lal Mohammad, son of Shaikh Nadeed, Convict No. 562.

The convict stated that a Brahman whose name was not known to him came to Kowlas and announced himself to be the agent of Nana Saheb. He stayed for one month at Kowlas. Kasi Ram Jamedar, Venkoba, a resident of Kowlas and Waji Patel of Nilekar all assembled together and discussed the problem of raising an army. They sent for Naseeb Khan Jamedar in order to employ the Rohillas. The Jamadar demanded the payment of salary in advance but as the said Brahman had no amount, he could not concede his demand. The Rajah of Kowlas was also a party to this plan and he had ordered Kasi Ram to help the agent in his activities. Kasi Ram could not raise an army for want of funds. Raja Saheb sent his message to Kasi Ram with his servant Katali. The same man brought the reply to Raja Saheb [From unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad.].

A Gist of the Statement of Raghunath Waji, s/o Waji Gopal, Patwari of Nilekar, Convict No. 563.

The convict stated that a person named Rang Rao, agent of Nana Saheb, had come to Kowlas. The Raja Saheb while agreeing to his mission took steps for raising an army. The said agent perhaps visited Kowlas in the month of Rabi-ul-Awwal and had stated that the letter of Nana Saheb lay hidden behind a mirror. The name of the addressee and the place of his residence were not known to the agent himself. He (the convict) gathered this information from his son Baswant Rao, who was a friend of the agent. The agent told him that he stayed for about one month at the houses of Kasi Ram and Siddiah Naik in Kowlas. Both had their connection with the Raja. During his stay at Kowlas, the agent met the Naik of Broky and the Naik of Shapurgaon. He had an intention of raising an army with the help of Kasi Ram. His ambition was to invade Deglur and Madnur and capture the 'gadhi' but that plan did not materialise. The agent resided in Kasi Ram's house for 20 days and after that proceeded to Homnabad with a view to meeting Manik Prabhu. From there he set out for Ankalaska village Pargane Nilanga, to meet Bande Ali Patel andfrom there he went to Omerga village. The letters which Bande Ali Patel sent to him were written in Marathi. In one of them he had stated that the person, who had letters, etc., was Rang Rao. In the other he had informed that he was going to Maharaj Manik Prabhu to which the convict had replied that he could not come Bande Ali Patel after attending the Malegaon Jatra came to him The agent of Nana Saheb was raising an army at Kowlas. One day a person came to summon Rang Rao. After that Bande Ali accompanied by Rang Rao went away. [From unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad.]

A Gist of the statement of Jairam Patel, s/o Lingoji Patel of Hari village, Convict No. 564.

Jairam Patel stated that his son named Babu, an agent of the Deshmukh of Hanagaon, had been to Safdar-ud-Daula in the month, of Safar 1275 Hijri. He had previous acquaintance with Safdar-ud-Daula. After his return he told him (Jairam Patel) that Safar-ud-Daula could not visit his jagir as his life was in danger due to his enmity with the Rohillas. He had forwarded an agreement under his seal to two Jamadars. The convict prohibited his son from taking part in those activities. Meanwhile, he received a letter from Safdar-ud-Daula asking him to send a reply to Gulab Khan. Safdar-ud-Daula intended to raise an army of 25000 soldiers comprising of Arabs and Rohillas but expressed in his letter that he could not meet the Rohillas and had not made any truce with them. Meanwhile, he fell ill. The person deputed by Nana Saheb was a Hakeem. The convict came to him for his treatment and stayed with him for fifteen days. The agent used to say that an army was being raised at Kowlas under the orders of the Raja Saheb of Kowlas. The said agent was in the service of Nana Saheb and Baja Bai and had come from the North for raising an army. With the help and co-operation of the Raja Saheb of Kowlas 700 persons had been recruited by that time. For raising funds he had been to Sena Naik of Berki. Waji was the agent of the said Naik. Waji's son, the agent of Nana and Shaik Madar had gone to Kowlas. The agent of Nana also stated to the convict that the Raja Saheb of Kowlas had given him shelter and had asked Kasi Ram to arrange for his residence, food and dress. The convict also stated that he had received two letters from Safdar-ud-Daula, one of which was lost and the other was safe and secure. Safdar-ud-Daula had not sent any letter to the agent of Nana along with the letters addressed to him. The convict was not aware whether any letter was sent by Safdar-ud-Daula separately to the agent. The convict pleaded that due to illness his memory was weak and so he asked for detailed particulars to be ascertained from his son. [From unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad.]

A Gist of the Statement of Babu Patel, son of Jairam Patel of Halli village, Convict No. 565.

The convict stated that he came to the city in connection with a case pertaining to the Deshmukh of Maigaon and that he met Safdar-ud-Daula. Safdar-ud-Daula told him that he could not visit his jagir due to the fear of the Rohillas. If any Rohilla Jamadar would assure him of his safety he would employ him and go along with him to the Patel's jagir. The convict stated that after his return to his native place he could not contact any Rohilla and informed Safdar-ud-Daula accordingly. Twenty days later Shaik Madar came and delivered a letter from Safdar-ud-Daula, which contained a complaint that arrangement had so far not been made in that connection. After delivering the letter Shaik Madar proceeded to Kowlas and returned after a week accompanied by a Brahman named Rang Rao. The Brahman styled himself a Hakeem and had come from Madhapur The convict learnt from Shaik Madar that the said Brahman had been sent by Nana Saheb. On enquiry the said Brahman told him that he (the Brahman) had come from Nana Saheb for recruiting people to army service. He was staying with the Raja Saheb of Kowlas and he was paid four annas daily towards his meals. The Raja Saheb had ordered that people should be persuaded to raise a large army with the help of Kasi Ram. Kasi Ram had been appointed as Risaldar to perform the duties of enrolment and that so far five to six hundred persons had been recruited. The agent also told the convict that he had a letter addressed to Safdar-ud-Daula, which he would deliver personally.

The convict wrote to inform Safdar-ud-Daula of his inability to find a suitable person as desired by him in his letter. In another he informed him that an agent of Nana Saheb had come to him and that he was having a letter addressed to the Daula. The details could be had through that letter. After that Shaik Madar and the agent both proceeded to Kowlas. From there Shaik Madar went to Hyderabad.

Safdar-ud-Daula wrote a letter for a second time and that was the letter which had been produced. The convict replied that no Jamadar could be contacted. He was also not having any pony.

The convict stated that the agent of Nana Saheb had proceeded to Nilekar. Others reported to him that he had gone to the city. The said Brahman kept in his custody a letter addressed to Safdar-ud-Daula. He had met the Naiks of Savergaon, Vasatoli, Madhapur and Burki. He possessed nothing except a pony. The agent had further stated that he had a hundi with him but he did not mention the amount for which it was made out. The convict also stated that he had met the said agent at Kowlas in the month of Rabi-ul-Awwal 1275 Hijri. At that time the agent resided in his house as already stated. He had said that he was enrolling people for army service on behalf of Nana Saheb. [From unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad.]

The following is the gist of the Judgment delivered in this case by the High Court of Hyderabad.

1. The statement of Ranga Rao, the agent of Nana, reveals that he had brought the letter of Nana addressed to Safdar-ud-Dowla and Gulab Khan, Jamadar (who resided at Kowlas since a long time and had indulged in looting). The letter addressed to Gulab Khan was properly delivered by Rang Rao but the letter addressed to Convict No. 557 was lost. The orders that he had brought with him were shown to the accused Nos. 558, 563, 564, 565, and others. Rang Rao gave instructions for causing disturbances and to rise in revolt. He wrote two letters to Convict No. 557. In this second letter he had asked Convict No. 557 to reach Kowlas and help the rioters with supporters.

2. Safdar-ud-Doula, Convict No. 557, had confessed that he received the letter of the first deponent which was about causing disturbances and recruitment of soldiers. The other letter which was addressed to convicts Nos. 564 and 565 asked for enlisting the services of Kalan Khan and other rioters. He also admitted that Nana's letter was addressed to him. The convict also admitted that he had communicated his willingness to cause disturbances and that he did not inform the Government about those activities. The convict, in his statement, also affirmed that he had willingly participated in the movement and that he had himself desired that. He had posed himself as the leader of the gang of rebels.

3. The Raja of Kowlas, Convict No. 558, pleaded his ignorance about the agent of Nana. He, however, confessed that Kasi Ram, Convict No. 560, stayed at Kowlas for 2½ months and that Shaikh Madar, Convict No. 559, visited Kowlas in the month of Safar and that the agent of Nana had brought some pamphlets and raised an army. He further confessed that in spite of coming to know of such incidents he did not inform the Government.

4. Shaikh Madar, Convict No. 559, confesses that he convey ed the letters as mentioned in para. 2 and that he conversed with the agent of Nana at Kowlas.

5. The statement of Kasi Ram, Convict No. 560, reveals that Rang Rao, the agent, had come to Kowlas and met the Raja thrice. The Raja had arranged for his residence at the house of Joshi Pujari, through his old servant Karangi (who was not produced before the Court in spite of the Court's insistence). The convict also stated that some persons met the agent in that house and consulted him on the subject of raising of an army. The proposals could not be implemented as the agent had no money.

6. Santaji, Convict No. 561, stated that the said agent stayed at Kowlas for 20 days with the Joshis as the guest of the Raja of Kowlas and he had learnt from the said agent that he received four annas daily from the Raja of Kowlas. He stated that the Joshis told him that the agent used to meet the Raja of Kowlas and that he had proceeded to Halli, after residing at Kowlas during the above-mentioned period.

7. The statement of Lal Mohammed, Convict No. 562, reveals that the agent lived at Kowlas for one month without revealing his identity. Kasi Ram, Convict No. 560, stated that Karangi conveyed to him the instructions of the Raja of Kowlas for making arrangements and that the agent also took part along with the Raja in raising an army. But as the agent had no funds with him the Rohillas evaded joining him.

8. The statement of Raghunath, Convict No. 563, reveals that his son Baswant Rao was a friend of the agent. The agent stayed at Kowlas for one and a half months and the Raja confessed that he was engaged in raising an army. The Raja had instructed Kasi Ram, Convict No. 560, and Moti Ram (who was causing disturbance), for raising an army. It is also gathered that the agent stayed with him for 8 days and the proceeded to Homnabad to see the Naik. From Homnabad the agent went to Omerga along with Bande Ali Patel of Ankalaska village.

9. Jairam Patel, Convict No. 564, and Babu Patel, Convict No. 565, son of Jairam, who received orders, letter, and message as has been mentioned at para 2, stated that the agent stayed at their house for 15 days and disclosed about the assistance given to him by the Raja of Kowlas. Babu Patel confesses that he met the agent at Kowlas in the month of Rabi-ul-Awwal and co-operated with the agent in his activities.

10. In view of the confession made by Safdar-ud-Dowla, as mentioned at para 2, Safdar-ud-Dowla was declared to be the real culprit of the disturbances and as such all his property, movable and immovable, had to be confiscated and he has been awarded life-time imprisonment.

11. Although Rajah Deeb Singh, Convict No. 558, refutes his participation in the conspiracy and pleads his ignorance about Rang Rao, the agent of Nana, yet the statements review ed at paras 1 and 4 reveal that the agent stayed at Kowlas for about a month and the Raja met the agent and arranged for his food, etc. Although it was not fully revealed that he endeavoured in the furtherance of the aims and activities of Rang Rao, yet there was no doubt about his knowing the presence of Rang Rao and the orders of Nana Saheb that were brought by him. It is possible that due to his silent nature he might have kept quiet and allowed a chance to the rioters to carry on their activities. It is also quite possible that he did not inform the Government purposely and wanted to derive some benefit out of this. Information gathered from other sources reveals that he had his hand in the dacoity committed by Gulab Khan Jamadar and also in the looting at Nilanga. Gulab Khan was the same person to whom Nana sent a letter by his agent (vide documents Nos. 13 and 14). The Raja of Kowlas did not arrest Rang Rao, the agent, in spite of having the power to do so and he also did not inform the Government about him. As such Rajah Deeb Singh is found guilty of concealing the crime and taking part in the disturbance. He is, therefore, sentenced to imprisonment for three years. Government is, however, empowered to take a decision about the confiscation of his personal property and the discontinuance of the grant being enjoyed by him.

12. Although Shaikh Madar, Convict No. 559, was found guilty of concealing the crime yet due to the nature of his employment he was compelled to do so and as such he is sentenced to imprisonment for only one year.

13. Kasi Ram, Convict No. 560, was found guilty of abetting the said agent in his activities. The statement of witness No. 1 and the statements of Convicts Nos. 562 and 563 reveal that he took part in the dacoity and the disturbance. It was also proved that he collaborated with Rang Rao. He is, therefore sentenced to be imprisoned for five years with fetters and after the termination of the period he should be released on the execution of a bond for good behaviour.

14. Nothing was proved against Santaji, accused No. 561, and Lai Mohammed, accused No. 562.

15. Raghunath, accused No. 563, gave shelter to the said agent and in spite of being aware of the agent's intention for causing disturbance, he did not inform the Government about it. He is sentenced to three years' imprisonment. His property should be confiscated and he should be removed from service.

16. Jairam and Babu, accused Nos. 564 and 565, were proved guilty of maintaining secrecy about the correspondence and the exchange of verbal messages between accused No. 557 and the said agent and of concealing their crime. They harboured the agent in their house and worked for his cause. They are, there fore, sentenced to undergo imprisonment for...... years. Their property should be confiscated and they should be removed from service.

17. Some of the accused mentioned above were not present and as such judgment about them was deferred.

18. After going through the law relating to political crimes the Court feels that such punishments had to be awarded in order to set an example to others and to see that the country was saved from disturbances of this kind in future. [From, unpublished correspondence preserved in the Central Records Office, Hyderabad.]

Such then was the end of the conspiracy started by Ranga Rao under the instructions of Nana Saheb Peshwa. It shows how deep the feeling of disaffection against the British had spread even among the commoner people like Ranga Rao, the Patwari of a small village, and his humbler associates. Ranga Rao died in the Andamans and his name would have been forgotten but for the papers unearthed from the Hyderabad Government's archives, which throw a glowing light on the patriotic activities of this remarkable man.

Second conspiracy.—The second conspiracy which had its origin in the district of Bid was aimed at capturing the fort of Kharda on the borders of the district of Bid.

"It appears that there were plans to start a rebellion on behalf of the Raja of Satara in 1859 and that Devrao Kishan, Wamanrao Kishan, and Vithalrao alias Ambaji, Deshmukhs of Bid, Shrinivas Shankarrao Deshpande and Papamiya. son of Hafiz Ghulam Mustafa Khan, the Collector of Bhir, had joined the conspiracy. From the statements of Shankar Atmaram, Syed Chand and Wamanrao Vithal, it appears that a person known as Balasaheb had resided for sometime at Bhir with the idea of rebelling against the British. The person responsible for the arrest of the conspirators was Narayan Rao, agent of Ram Rao, Taluqdar of Bid. He arrested the following persons: (1) Hari Jairam. (2) Janoo. (3) Shankar Bhau, (4) Chotoo. (5) Papamiya. (6) Dhondi, etc. These arrests were effected on the basis of the paper received from Syed Chand. Shankar Atmaram stated in his deposition that one Tatya Mudgal was trying to collect troops so that they could get the possession of the fortress of Kharda and then proceed to Satara. This collection of troops was to be done under the instructions of Balasaheb who had turned a Gosavi (mendicant). Balasaheb had come to Bid and was staying in the house of Tatya Mudgal. Tatya Mudgal was also trying to raise money for this purpose by various means. There were statements from Syed Chand to this effect. It appears that Shankar had decided to recruit about 150 persons and had collected one maund of ammunition and seven seers of lead for this purpose. It had been decided to pay Rs. 15 p.m. to a soldier and Rs. 30 p.m. to a Jamadar. One Daji Khadlawala was also involved in the conspiracy. Papamiya, the son of the Collector Mustafa Khan, had also been approached to seek service with the conspirators. Shankar informed Syed Chand that he was the servant of Dhondo Baji Rao (Nana Saheb Peshwa) and was collecting troops. Shankar had also approached Rasul Khan, Rohilla, for raising troops. This had been achieved to some extent and men had collected in the village Major Sanad in the Balaghat Taluq. Papamiya in his statement denied any knowledge of the conspiracy and stated that he was lured into the service for private purpose. Waman Rao Vithal in his statement refers to the conspiracy hatched by Daji Khadlawala, Shankar Atmaram and Tatya Mudgal. Tatya Mudgal had mortgaged his house to Eknath Govind for Rs. 2,000 and with this amount he was trying to raise troops with the help of Rasul Khan and Bajori, a Rajput Captain. The Court delivered its judgment on the 14th of October, 1859, commenting as follows: —

"It appears that Shankar Atmaram, Tatya Mudgal, Balaji Gosavi and Jaji Khadlawala had conspired to raise troops to capture the fortress of Khadla. They had taken Syed Chand in their service and had drawn up the terms of pay to be given to recruits to their cause. They had also contacted some Rajputs working under a Captain by name Bajori. The conspiracy seems to have failed mainly due to lack of finance. The following punishment is awarded to the chief conspirators: (1) Shankar Atmaram, (2) Daji Khadlawala and (3) Syed Chand are sentenced to 7 years rigorous imprisonment. It may be added that Waman Rao Vithal, Lai Singh and Chotoo were sentenced to two years rigorous imprisonment and Ghulam Nabi alias Papamiya was sentenced to one year's simple imprisonment."

After the storm had subsided, the British Government, in recognition of the services rendered by the Nizam, modified the treaty of 1853 by a treaty made in 1860. Osmanabad (Naldurg) and the Raicur Doab, yielding a revenue of 21 lakhs, were restored, and a debt of 50 lakhs was cancelled, while certain tracts on the left bank of the Godavari were ceded and the Assigned Districts of Berar, yielding a revenue of 32 lakhs, were taken as trust by the British for the purpose specified in the treaty of 1853. presents to the value of £10,000 were bestowed upon the Nizam and his minister and other noblemen were also rewarded.

Mir Mahbub Ali Khan Bahadur, succeeded on his father's death in 1869. Being only three years old, a regency was constituted for the administration of the country, with Sir Salar Jang I as regent and Nawab Shams-ul-Umra as co-regent, the resident being consulted on all important matters concerning the welfare of the State. On the death of the co-regent in 1877, his half-brother Nawab Vikar-ul-Umra was appointed co-administrator; but he also died in 1881, Sir Salar Jung remaining sole administrator and regent till his death in 1883.

Reforms in administration: Not being fettered in any way, the great minister pursued his reforms with untiring effort. The four Sadar-ul-Mahams or departmental Ministers, who had been appointed in 1868, managed the Judicial, Revenue, Police, and miscellaneous departments under the guidance of the Minister, who besides instructing them in their work, had direct control over the Military, Mansab, Finance, Treasury, Post, Mint. Currency, and State Railway departments. Transactions with the British Government, the Nizam's education, and the management of the Sarf-i-Khas domains also received his personal attention. A revenue survey and settlement were taken in hand and completed in the Maratha districts, civil and criminal courts were established, stamps were introduced, the postal department was placed on a sound basis, and the Municipal, Public Works, Education, and Medical departments received their due share of attention. Thus almost every department of the British administration was represented in the State, and worked with creditable efficiency under the guiding spirit of the great Minister. In particular, the finances of the State, which had become greatly involved, were much improved.

In 1884 the Nizam Mir Mahbub Ali Khan having attained his majority, was installed by Lord Ripon. Sir Salar Jung II was appointed Minister. The birth of the Indian National Congress at the end of the year 1885 was bound to have a profound effect on the educated classes in Hyderabad, as in other parts of the country. The Hyderabad administration, dominated as it was by officers like Mehdi Ali Mohasin-ul-Mulk, Imad-ul-Mulk Bilg-rami, Viqar-ul-Mulk and Mehdi Hasan Fateh Nawaz Tung, who had been influenced by the social and political thought of Sir Syed Ahmad, was highly critical of the Indian National Congress, Public opinion, on the other hand, was sympathetic towards this new political awakening. Prominent among those who supported the National Congress were Dr. Aghornath Chattopadhyaya, Mulla Abdul Qayum, Ramchandra Pillay, Mohib Husain, the editor of Mua-llime-Safiq and the pioneer of social reforms in Hyederabad and Syed Akhil, the editor of Hazar Dastan. The Urdu press was outstanding in its criticism against the British Policies in India and in the Middle-East Countries. It strongly supported Lord Ripon in the Ilbert Bill controversy and bitterly criticised the opposition to it engineered by vested British interests in India. The Hyderabad Government, on the other hand took a critical attitude against the situation and every encouragement was given to the activities of Sir Syed Ahmad in the educational and political field. In 1892 a code, known as the Kanunca-i-Mubarak ('the auspicious code'), was issued for the guidance of the Minister, and this was followed by the establishment of a Council composed of all the Ministers of the State. In the following year Sir-Viqar-ul-Umra became Minister and several changes were effected in various departments of the administration.

Insurrection of Baba Saheb alias Rao Saheb: In the year 1898 the district of Bhir was the scene of a great conspiracy and insurrection against the British. This insurrection was headed by a person who went by various names such as Baba, Rao Saheb, Maharaja, Raje Saheb, Vithal Chate and Balwant Jagdamb. It appears that he was in the service of Sirdar families in the Southern Mahratta country. He also seems to have spent some days nearabout Gwalior. He was well acquainted with English, Urdu, Marathi and Kannada. In 1898 he arrived in Hyderabad and unfolded his scheme for driving the British out of the country through insurrections and armed risings. Two persons in the employ of the Hyderabad Government Kishan Rao and Daji Saheb, and a village official known as Bapu Rao Narsing were assisting him. They went to the district of Osmanabad to enlist sympathy and support for Baba's cause. Baba himself left for Bhir where he stayed with one Shiv Rao, a clerk of the District Office, Bhir. Baba succeeded in gathering a band of people round him from Bhir and Aurangabad and tried to seduce the Contingent troops stationed at Mominabad and Aurangabad. As funds were required for his scheme his party committed a number of dacoities in the district of Bhir and collected considerable amount. At last troops were called out and the party was engaged at Soukarwadi on 14th April, 1899. A number of people were killed and about 60 to 70 persons were arrested. Baba left the district of Bhir and was heard of at Amravati in Berar in 1902, after which all trace of him was lost. The activities of Baba were similar to those of the noted Mahratta revolutionary Wasudeo Balwant Phadke. The associates of Baba were tried and many among them were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment. The motives behind the insurrection and its progress are brought out clearly in the following reports, letters and the statements of witnesses [From the "File of Baba" from Central Records Office, Government of Hyderabad, Hyderabad Deccan.]: —

Letter, dated 22nd June 1899, from A. C. Hankin. Esq.; C.I.E., Inspector-General of Police and Jails, H. H. the Nizam's Dominions, Hyderabad, to the Inspectors-General of Police. Bombay C. P., N.W.P., Punjab and Madras, General Superintendent, Thagi and Dakaiti, Simla, First Asst. Resident, Hyderabad through the Secretary to the Govt. of H. H. the Nizam's Police Department:—

"I have the honour to send you herewith a descriptive roll of a Brahman who lately visited these Dominions, and endeavoured to stir up ill-feeling and make the people believe that the British Raj was about to end and that of the Brahmins to begin. He successfully worked on the feelings of the badmashes, and very soon got together a gang of 100 strong who committed dacoities, highway robberies, etc. This gang was promptly dealt with, and the majority arrested and several were shot. There is nothing to fear from the few ill-advised fools who are still at large; but this Brahmin may attempt similar games elsewhere, and it is not unlikely that he may attempt to spread his views amongst sepoys of Native Regiments. My idea is whenever he is heard of again it will be in a Native State or possibly in an out-of-the-way Cantonment. He is probably from Poona and of the Chapekar style. If found he should be carefully watched and I communicated with by wire.

(Sd.) A. C. HANKIN, I.G.P."

(3)

"Dated 22nd June 1890.

My dear Azeez Mirza,

I sent you a copy of this confidentially. I have written confidentially to all. This is the Baba (Brahmin) who started the Bir business. Please do not let this letter go into your office, but just show it to the Minister. I am sorry to say that many officials (all Brahmins) are mixed up in this affair, who will have to be dealt with hereafter when I submit a special report. I believe he got so far as to get in with the guard over the Treasury at Bhir.

Yours sincerely,
(Sd.) A. C. HANKIN".

Descriptive roll of a Brahmin who went by the names Baba, Rao Saib, Maharaj, Raja Saib, Vithal Chate and Balwant Jugdamb: —

"Age about 30 years, height about 5 feet, 7 or 8 inches. Very fair. Flatish and smooth face. Very thick black beard and moustaches. Well made and having a soldierlike appearance, something like a well-brought-up Rajput of upper India, more of the Punjabi style. Has a very high and broad forehead, divides his beard in the middle and curling it up on both sides as the Punjabi Sikhs do. He often, however, allows his beard to take its Natural position and it hangs down on his chest. Has long hair on his head but wears the Brahminical chotee of hair which is longer than the hair of his head. Both his ears are bored as also the upper usual ballee hole in the right ear. Has two deep wrinkles on his forehead. Not very large eyes. Had good even teeth but in the upper jaw several of the teeth seemed separated from the other. This was visible when he laughed. Used to wear a longotee, not the usual piece of cloth which is generally used by a native but a regular stitched and made-up one. When he wore a Dhotee he tied it round his waist as the Arab do their lungees. Wears the usual Janva (Braminical thread) as also a Rudra Mala (head necklace) round his neck; never used Chandan or performed any Hindu Pujah rites of any description whatever. Used no tobacco not even snuff nor was he in the habit of taking pan suparee. Speaks English, Marathi, Urdu, Kanarese. He speaks Urdu with an up-country tongue.

Bears the usual coat and breeches worn by Poona Brahmins. Some of the breeches are made in the Hindusthani Mohamedan style, tight from the knee downwards. Always wore the Punjabi Putka which he generally pushed back to allow the hair of his head to appear over his forehead. This Putka he wore right over his ears. When he had not his Putka on, he wore a Dhata made of white cloth, which he wore like a Rhatore of Marwar. When he had this Dhata tied round his face very little of his features were visible. He generally wore a white Putka but sometimes a coloured one. Had a pair of black riding long boots, also two or three pairs of brown boots and a pair of steel spurs. Wore socks when he put on boots but not otherwise. Had a very large Sambar skin (tanned) on which he used to sit. Note:—He had not this skin with him when he was at Bir but at Aurangabad.

Had a silver Lota and glass or cup. The Lota would contain about 1¼ paves of water. He always drank water out of this cup. Used to go in for athletic exercises, used dumb-bells which were made of black wood. Used to practise walking and running, used to ride camels and was a very good horseman and could ride long distances. Had a small box of mathematical instruments which were in a box about 6 inches long. The lining of this box was of blue blush. The other cover was of a blackish or brownish colour. This box had two hooks to fasten the cover on the box. He had also some tracing paper with him. Also a small box of colours with brushes and the usual plates, etc. This was of wood.

Had his revolvers, one a breach-loader and the other of the obsolete pattern. Had a leather handbag country-made of the carpet bag shape which had two rings through which an iron rod ran and was locked at one end by a steel-polished lock. Had also a lot of engraving tools and understood moulding and could engrave on metals. Was fond of drawing out plans, etc., sketches of Tigers' heads, birds, etc. When at this work sat at a table and took a chair. Used to talk about the English people robbing India, killing cow, etc. Always tried to get a hold of rich landholders, who lived in villages away from big towns Seems never to have had any dealings with sowcars or Mohamedans. Looked out for young Brahmins whom he employed as his servants. Never kept any letters he received, always destroyed them after perusal. Used to receive a good deal of correspondence and often telegrams. This correspondence used to be addressed to some of his agents thus; 'To so and to be handed over to Raw Sahib or Baba Sahib'. Was in the habit of visiting native officers of native Regiments and making friends with military men, buying horses, guns, etc., from them.

He bought a military saddle from a man at Amba for Rs. 55 as also a good breachloading gun.

When speaking to Kunbees or villagers always said 'Burra', 'Burra' when they said anything to him or answered him. He lived very simply, was not given to womanising or any other vices. Was very careful whom he saw, and introductions were made through his Brahmin agents.

Always spoke of money, and promised to pay large amounts if armed men could be got together. Pretended he could supply any number of arms and ammunitions to those who joined him or who went in for dacoity on his account. Has a greenish great coat and several other jackets of tweeds and other materials. Has brown and black Puttees which he wears when he rides long distances. Had a pair of expensive spectacles. Always made friends with Brahmins who were Government servants. A good horse or pony will be always found with him. He keeps his house at one place and puts up a long distance away in other place."

(4)

"Bhir, 12th June 1899.

To
The Inspector-General of Police,
H.H. the Nizam's Dominions.

Sir,

(1) I have the honour to submit this my report on the late serious outbreak of dacoity and the general unrest in the Bhir district.

(2) This is one of the most peculiar cases I have ever had to deal with, as it is so mixed up with highly coloured, exaggerated matter and has been given a political facing, that it is a difficult task to get at anything verging on truth; however I shall endeavour to collect facts, as far as such facts can, at present, be separated from the wild rumours floating about, and place before you the results of my endeavour to get at the truth of such (a case as) is ever possible.

(3) Before entering into details in this intricate case I wish to point out that there are three distinct features which will have to be touched on in this report, namely: —

First: Brahminical intrigue.

Second: The plundering by dacoits and the resistance shown to the local authorities by them.

Third: The action and conduct of local Police and other authorities of the District.

(4) These three features are so linked together that it is almost impossible to deal with each separately and to show step by step how these Brahminical intrigues gave birth to and caused this general unrest in this District.

(5) I shall now touch on the first feature of this case, namely the Brahminical intrigues.

The great difficulty I have to contend with is the fixing of the date on which these intrigues commenced, however, I think I am not far out when I fix that date as about the beginning of November, 1898.

(6) About that date a young Brahmin arrived at Bhir. He came from Hyderabad in a hired cart accompanied by two Sikhs, named Suckasing and Khansing. He reached Bhir from Hyderabad via Beedar, Oodgheer and Amba. He was accompanied by another Brahmin from Hyderabad as far as Oodgheer, from which place this Brahmin disappeared. On arriving near Bhir, he ordered the two Sikhs, his servants, whom he had employed at Hyderabad to leave him and go to the Sikhs who are in Bhir and that he would send for them when he wanted them. Suckasing and Khansing did as they were desired, and this Brahmin (whom I shall now designate as the " Baba" throughout this report) went to a temple in the town of Bhir and next day went to the house of one Rungrao Kowlia, a Brahmin employed in the Muhafiz Cutcheree at Bhir and from here the Baba took up his quarters in the house of one Sewrow Sankar, known here under the alias of " Kaka ", whose surname is Mudulkar, is a Dhaisest Brahmin of the Kagvadee clan, was once a resident of the town of Sowndata in the Dharwar district of the Bombay Presidency but has now made Bhir his home. He is a Canarese speaking Brahmin. Whether this man Kaka had any previous acquaintance with this Baba it is impossible at present to say, but from facts I have been able to get together I cannot but conclude that there is something in the background, which, however, had better not be discovered at this stage of this singular case.

(7) This Baba no sooner found himself established in the Kaka's house than he seems to have commenced his intrigues, his first step being to give a feast (Bundara) to a select party of the Brahmins of Bhir. Kaka got all the necessary supplies for this feast from one Sunthrow Bundala, Baniah of Bhir and which were paid for by Kaka.

(8) All Brahmins of standing were invited to this feast and from what I can at present gather the following persons from among a number of others, were the Chief persons of note who were at this feast: A, B, C, D, E, F, G.

(9) I refrain from mentioning names, but I do not think I am far wrong when I conclude that every Brahmin official and non- official of Bhir is more or less mixed up, either directly or indirectly with the intrigues of this Baba.

(10) The Baba did not join in this feast, but remained on Kaka's "Madee" (upstair roof of a room).

After the feast was over, the party joined the Baba on the "Madee" of Kaka's house, and the usual Pan Suparee was served. After a little the party broke up and left except A, C and all the male members of Kaka's house. This select party talked together for about 2½ hours, and then the Baba retired to rest.

(11) Regular meetings of Brahmins used to daily take place at Kaka's house and after sometime letters began to come in through the British post for the Baba, but they were not addressed direct to the Baba but thus: "to Sivrao Kaka to be given to the Row Sahib or Baba Sahib."

(12) One day when the following persons were assembled on Kaka's "Madee" Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, a letter was received by the Baba. It was in Urdoo and the Baba read it out:—

"A long time has passed and you have made no 'bundobust'. How long are we to wait; we are ready ".

After a little, Kaka sent his servant Gopalsing to call A and C referred to in para (8). On their arrival this letter was again read to them and if I am rightly informed all the Brahmins who daily attended the meetings held by the Baba were informed of the contents of this letter.

The Baba making people believe that the Brahminical power was soon to be supreme talked a deal about the killing of cows and India being robbed by the Europeans, etc., etc., and other subjects which are generally discussed and expounded at Congress Meetings.

(13) This Baba from what I can at present gather used to visit Amba, Aurangabad, Parlee, Sawrie and other places but seems to have made the Bhir and Aurangabad districts his chief intriguing grounds. His doings and sayings at Aurangabad and other places I am not in a position at present to refer to as my information is meagre and not sufficiently authenticated to justify my alluding to them in this report.

(14) After sometime the Baba went away towards Aurangabad and remained away for some time. One day Kaka received a letter from the Baba and then sent for the following persons:—

(1) Shajee of Dewgaon, Dhondee's (one of the leader's brother.

(2) Dhondee Vrigut of Dewgaon, leader now in custody.

(3) Chudia Dhair of Dewgaon, a trusted friend of No. 2 now in custody.

(4) Bapoorow, patail of the village of Mog and several others.

On all these persons being assembled in Kaka's house, he produced this letter and said he had received it from the Baba and read it out. It contained the following words:—

"My Fouj (Troops) are ready. You must get yours ready also. Send money. "

The Kaka then said a deal about getting armed men together and assist the Baba in his grand undertaking which was to deliver the Marathas and all Hindoos from their present low state and that when the Brahminical Raj came into power how happy all Hindoos would be, etc., etc. This meeting then broke up and nothing was done till the Baba again appeared at Bhir.

The date of this second visit of the Baba's to Bhir cannot be correctly ascertained .......... I do not consider .......... much importance ............ not a doubt ............ carrying on ............ dodges from ............ February 99 ............ latter time ............ from Bhir and Kaka ............ after the dacoits were captured, no doubt finding that the game was up (about the 15th April '99).

(15) No sooner had the Baba arrived at Bhir on his second visit and put up at Kaka's house than the meetings I have referred to in paras. 8 to 12 of this report again commenced and letters began to arrive by the British Post ............ Aurangabad which were ............ described in para ............ letters were read and ............ all the persons who .............. meetings held at Kaka's ............ Baba ............ letters were said to have come from Jaipoor, Nepal, Khyma Gujrath, Anve (a place near Lucknow), Afghanistan and Cashmeer and in fact from all parts of India. Letters were also said to have been received from several native officers of Native British Regiments from Hindustan and other parts of India. All these letters referred to troops being ready to take action in the Baba's cause.

The Baba answered all these letters informing the several writers to wait for three months and that he would send them instructions and money.

The answers given to Native Officers of Native British Regiments were "Be ready when I send my Jhanda (flag) and money, then act".

(16) At one of these usual meetings the Baba proposed that flags, uniforms, silver waist-plates should be got ready. About Rupees 50 worth of yarn of a peculiar colour was ordered and was spun by weavers at Bhir and delivered to Kaka. About 25 suits of what was called uniform were made up. They consisted of a common kurtha, coat and breeches of a Pajama shape for each unit Rupees 7—12 was charged.

A goldsmith was employed at Kaka's and a few silver waist-plates were made ready. On these were engraved in Sanskrit the words "All out endeavours will succeed". The Baba assisted the goldsmith in making these plates.

(17) While all these make-believe dodges described in the preceding paras were going on, an urgent letter was received by the Baba from Aurangabad asking him to come to Aurangabad as soon as possible as the troops had to be paid. No mention was made as regards what troops were to be paid. No doubt this was a move of this cunning intrigue and the Baba to raise money and if I am rightly informed Kaka gave him an advance of Rupees 2,500 and the Baba started in all haste to Aurangabad.

(18) After about eight or ten days the Baba returned to Bhir bringing with him a number of spearheads and several pairs of shoes.

A meeting was held and the Baba gave Shajee Patail of Deogaon, Dhondee, Bapoorow Patail and several others some of these spearheads. Some old guns and swords were also distributed among the abovenamed persons and several others who accompanied them. I received three of these spearheads at Deogaon as also a flag which was handed up by Javantha.

At one of these meetings the Baba asked one Mahadasing, an old Hindustani dacoit, who was among others who were in attendance at the meetings, to go to Hindustan and bring 10,000 men, Mahadasingh said "All right I will brine the men, but my expense must be first paid and two months pay in advance given for each man." The Baba made no reply to this request and the move of sending for 10,000 men from Hindustan was dropped.

At another meeting the Baba addressed Dhondee and Bapoorow and said "You see I want money, you will all get jagirs when I assume power". Dhondee replied he had no money to give upon which the Baba said, "Commit dacoity and you will soon get together heaps of money". Dhondee replied that the district had just passed through a famine and the people had hidden all their property; upon this the Baba replied, "I will show you places where you will get lots of loot" and he then mentioned the village of Natra where there was a very rich man as also several other rich persons at Sawrie and other places. Dhondee said, " The Natra man is a relative of mine. How can I loot his house". The Baba said, "Loot it now and when I come to power I will give him a jagir worth 10,000 rupees".

After attending several other meetings similar to those already descrbed all the Patails named in this para left for their houses all their minds being well brimmed with hopes of future great-ness and dreams of living at no distant time as opulent Jagirdars.

(19) I could write sheets and sheets of the doings and sayings of this Baba at these meetings, but think it only waste of time doing so, as I think I have already recorded enough to show the style in which he worked up the feelings of those who attended his meetings. To such an extent had he impressed his coming to power on the members of these meetings that murder or rather two murders were committed at his bidding in this wise.

(20) A great dacoit, named Suddiah Mang, who has 7 years imprisonment in the Yerrowada Jail and was one of the gang the Baba and Kaka had managed to get together, remarked that the Baba was no Rajah and was a "Bhampta" (pickpocket) as he wanted dacoities to be committed to get money. Orders were at once issued by the Baba through the Kaka that this Mang should be put out of the way. He was soon after murdered together with another Mang, who was with him at the time and both their bodies were placed in an old stack of grass in the Deogaon jungles and burnt to ashes. A pony these two murdered men had with them was also destroyed so as to leave no trace of their whereabouts. I visited the scene of this double murder and saw the bones of both these men which were in small pieces lying burnt to cinders.

(21) I attach a statement I have recorded in connection with the facts I have touched on in the preceding paras, on perusal of which, you will find that what I have stated is fully borne out as regards the doings and sayings of the Baba and how he carried on his intrigues.'

(22) Having described in the foregoing paras, the intrigues of the Baba and the other dealings he has had with the Brahmins and others of this place I will now endeavour to follow what part played by the so-called dacoits nearly all of whom were instruments of the Baba's intrigues.

(23) On the return of Dhondee and others to their houses as described in the latter part of para 19 of this report active action was at once set on foot.

Dhondee of Deogaon got together a gang which was not a difficult thing for him to do as he is an old dacoit, in fact being the only dacoit of note among the whole gathering. About thirty men were assembled, and Etilsing, a servant of the Kaka's, also arrived at Deogaon. A plan was laid to loot the house of one Abajee Vingarh of Natra. The gang started but Etilsing did not join it as he got fever. So, he remained at Dewgaon. Abajee's house was looted on the 2nd February '99 and property to the value of rupees 11,371 was plundered.

The leader Dhondee gave each of the dacoits rupees 20, but all the jewellery, etc., was got together, tied up in a bundle and brought to Dewgaon. Three Arabs who were among the dacoits were the only persons who received any share of the plundered jewellery, getting among them one gold cuddah, one silver todah and one silver kerdodah. The bundle of looted jewellery was handed over to Etilsing, who put a chit on it, intending to take it to Bhir and give it to the Kaka for the Baba. Just then it leaked out among the dacoits that one of their number, named Bali (now in custody) had absconded with a bag containing Rupees 800 in cash and gone to the village of Babulgaon. Dhondee sent a party after Bali and he was brought back to Dewgaon with the Rupees 800. This money was also put before Etilsing and next day Dhondee and Etilsing started for Bhir with the bundle of plunder above reffered to and it was handed over to Kaka in his house and it was placed before the Baba. After this Dhondee returned to Dewgaon.

(25) After a few days' rest and on the arrival of Etilsing and Gopalsing, both servants of the Kaka at Dewgaon, a plan was formed and the Oopal (Wassi taluq, Naldrug district) dacoity was committed. The house of one Vital Sunsheeram was attacked and looted of property of the value of Rupees 3,632-12-0 on the 15th February '99. The plunder was not divided among the dacoits. The ready cash found was distributed, each dacoit getting from 10 to 20 rupees. All the jewellery and other articles of value together with rupees 400, which was the balance of the ready cash found in the house after the dacoits were given their shares, was tied up in a bundle and taken to Bhir by Etilsing, Gopalsing and Jeventha and disposed of as was the loot in the Natra dacoity, being handed over to the Kaka and Baba. The latter on seeing what the bundle contained remarked, "This is very little." Jeventha replied, "We brought what we got to you." Next day Jeventha returned to Dewgaon.

(26) About three or four days after Javentha returned to Dewgaon, the Mohtamim of Bhir came to the village of Kasaree and arrested four persons who were associates of Dhondee's gang; this was on the 24th February '99. Dhondee hearing of this and that the four dacoits arrested had confessed, given up their property and named their associates got alarmed. So taking a trusted dacoit friend of his named Aba Andla (now in custody) went to Bhir. They were concealed by Kaka in an old house in Bhir and were fed and looked after by Kaka.

Javentha and about ten or twelve others of Dewgaon, all associates of the four dacoits captured by the Mohtamim as described above, bolted into the hills, taking three guns, three swords, powder and bullets, which Kaka had supplied to them.

(27) Javentha and his party remained concealed in the hills for some time and then Javentha and one Dhondee Talee, who was of the party, went to the village of Mog, leaving the other members of the gang in the hills. Here Javentha met one Serpatee and Magiah Mang, the latter being an old dacoit and the former a son of a Patail of Mog. Serpatee told Javentha that the Baba and Kaka were coming to Mog and that he (Javentha) had a letter directing him to send for the men he had left in the hills. So Javentha sent Dhondee Talee and the party arrived at Mog and put in a hill near the village of Mog which is close to a well owned by one Bapooraw Patail of Mog (one of the leaders now in custody).

On the third day Kaka arrived at Mog alone from Aurangabad. He was mounted on a pony which belonged to Vittalrow Karkoon. the man arrested at Aurangabad and sent to me here.

Javentha remarked to Kaka, "Here I am with my men in the jungles. We have nothing to eat. Dhondee is at Bhir. What am I to do"? Kaka replied, "It will be all right. I will, on reaching Bhir, send Dhondee to you." He then left for Bhir, on reaching which place Kaka sent Dhondee to Mog and Etilsing and Gopalsing both servants of the Kaka joined the gang which was further reinforced by several persons of Mog joining it.

(28) From the dacoit camp at Mog the Bharanpoor dacoity was committed and the house of one Sukhdeo Marwari was plundered on the night of the 11th March '99 and property of the value of Rupees 1,114-4-0 was collected. The dacoits state that they got very little property in this dacoity all of which was handed over to the persons of Mog, who had joined the gang as before stated. This was done to encourage them to remain with the gang.

(29) The dacoits hearing that the Mohtamim of Bhir had arrived at Daken Mohi (this was on the 12th March, '99; the Mohtamim had 2 Savars and 18 Constables with him; the information was sent to them by the Goomasta Patail of Daken Mohi, named Shamrow Brahmin by a Dhair, named Pandia of the same village), bolted and went to a place called Sokerwadee (this is the place which the Contingent Troops later on attacked on the 14th April '99).

The gang then consisted of about 30 persons under the leadership of Dhondee of Dewgaon, Bapoorow Patail of Mog, Etilsing, a servant of the Kaka's and Mogiah Mang.

On the 14th March '99 the Muhtamim following the gang came to the village of Heera which is about 2 miles from Sokerwadee. The gang hearing of the Muhtamim's arrival at Heera moved away to a place in the jungles of the village of Sagerwadee where they remained concealed and the Kaka Ooplee dacoity was planned and carried out and on the night of the 25th March '99 the house of one Goolab Chand Marwari was robbed of property to the value of Rs. 5,758-0-0. There were about 25 dacoits in this dacoity among whom were Etilsing, and Gopalsing, servants of the Kaka.

The plunder in this case was divided among the dacoits; no portion of it was sent to the Baba at Bhir.

(30) On the 1st April 1899 constables Mohammed Haneef and Gopalrow of the Bhir Police were sent to Dewgaon to gain information. On their reaching the village they were set upon by a number of people, seized, tied up and placed on Charpais a carried away in triumph to the dacoit Camp where by Mongia's orders one of Mohammed Haneef's ears was cut clear off and they were then returned. Constable Mohammed Haneef behaved very well in this matter as he drew his sword when he was set upon and wounded seriously in the hand one of the party, who attacked him and no doubt would have got away, but numbers prevailed and he was overpowered. As for Gopalrow Brahmin he went on his knees and begged for his life and was set free.

(31) After this affair the gang moved camp and came to a place called Dewganwadee which is near Dewgaon where they concealed themselves in the hill nearby. Food was obtained from Dewgaon by the dacoits themselves.

While the gang were at this place, the Muhtamim of Bhir came upon them. This was on the 2nd April '99. The Muhtamim then had with him 19 Sikhs, 6 Constables, 1 Jamedar and 2 Sawars. The dacoits now in custody state that they were then about 30 to 40 men in the gang.

The Muhtamim's party began to fire on the dacoits who returned the fire and forming themselves into 3 parties advanced towards the Muhtamim's party, one party of dacoits going to the right, the other to the left and the third remaining in the centre. All moved on up the hill where the Muhtamim was posted with his men.

The Muhtamim thinking the dacoits were about to surround his party retired and the dacoits followed him. This went on till the Muhtamim's party reached the village of Nage of Dhypul. firing at long distances being continued throughout this retreat by both the police and the dacoits.

When the Muhtamim's party reached Dhypul, the dacoits went back to their camp, and thinking they might again be attacked in force changed their camp, going again to Sokerwadee where the Tara Sona dacoity was planned and carried out.

(32) The house of one Ramuck Marwari of Tarasona was looted on the 4th April '99 and property to the value of Rs. 24,762-12-6 was carried away as stated by the complainant but each and every one of the offenders in this dacoity state that not one-third of this amount was obtained and I am of opinion that what the dacoits state is nearer the truth than what the complainant shows as the amount of his loss.

None of this plunder was taken to Bhir or given to the Baba. It was divided into 5 equal shares, each leader taking the shares of his men thus:

(1) The Mog party one share.

(2) The Deogaon party one share.

(3) Etilsing's (Kaka's servant) party one share.

(4) Mogiah Mang's party one share.

(5) Suriah Dhair of Dewgaon's party one share.

While the gang were at Sokerwadee they were reinforced by newcomers from Mog, Dewgaon, Sagerwadee and other places which soon swelled their number to over 80 persons, among whom, however, were several who had only come to see their friends or brought food; several boys also joining the gang here, thinking no doubt it was a grand fun.

(33) This gang committed several main offences such as a small dacoity at Magkawadee on the 9th April in which they took Rs. 6-12-0 of property, the Tacklee (Rajah Raye Rayan Ka Ilaqa) dacoity on the 12th April 1899 and also looted the Muhtamim Bhir's kit and indulged in sheep poaching, etc., all of which offences are too numerous to go into particulars here. So, I shall now proceed with the third and last subject, namely, the conduct of the Police and the local authorities, etc.

(34) It is with much regret that I commence this disagreeable subject. As regards the part played by them in this matter now under report, it shows a total want of police vigilance on the side of the local police and a deplorable want of commonsense and sound judgment on the part of the local authorities.

(35) As you will have observed on perusal of the foregoing paras of this report, there is not a doubt that this intriguing Baba and his associates held meetings at the Kaka's house and that dacoits and "badmashes" assembled, plans were drawn up and unheard of themes discussed and what I at present think a make-believed correspondence was carried on or rather said to be carried on by this Baba throughout India. Arms were brought into Bhir from Aurangabad and distributed to dacoits who were also supplied with ammunition. Clothing was made up and partly distributed. All this was carried on, it may be said, for nearly 5 months. The local police not knowing anything of these proceedings speaks for itself and needs no comment.

(36) The bungling of the late Talukdar throughout this matter from start to finish shows wart of sound judgment as I will presently show.

(37) While the dacoits were assembled at Lokerwade in force defying the police and plundering the surrounding country, the Talukdar and other officials of Bhir sent Vakeels Kasaba, Moulvi Abdullah and Sarvat Ali to treat with them, advising them to return to their houses or to come in and surrender. These Vakeels reached the dacoit camp, had a talk with several of the dacoits and persuaded the dacoits Bapoorow and Dharia Dhair and one or two others to accompany them to the Talukdar's. On their arrival they were released on security and a written paper was given to them by the Talukdar to the effect that the police would not disturb them or rather would not arrest them. No sooner did these men get released and obtained this written paper than they went back to the gang and the written paper was used as a pass by the dacoits, several of whom were afterwards met and on being questioned by the Police produced this pass and were not interfered with.

(38) The Muhtamim finding that the dacoits were gaining strength and dacoities followed each other in quick succession wrote to the Talukdar for Arabs and Sikhs, etc. The Talukdar wrote to the Muhtamim that he was coming with men to his assistance but he never turned up. So the Muhtamim came himself to Bhir to see the Talukdar on the 20th March '99 and reported to him how matters stood. Nothing- seems to have been done till the 26th March '99 when the Talukdar wrote to the Muhtamim advising him not to go for the dacoits. Subsequently, the Muhtamim received fresh orders to try to run down the dacoits. Ten days were lost in fruitless discussion and the Police were hampered and not given the much-needed assistance.

(39) I attach a copy of the Muhtamim's statement marked. for rather an abstract of what he said to me, which throws much light on this point in the case I mean the hampering of the police throughout this matter.

(40) I attach copy of the confessions marked G of Prisoner Javentha of Dewgaum (which I consider a true statement of facts) by which you will observe that Mohammed Yaseen Muhtamim took active action against the dacoits (see para six of confession marked A). He arrested several of the members of Dhondee's gang and followed them up from place to place as is proved by the Confession of Javentha, but at the same time the Muhtamim's conduct on meeting the dacoits in the Dewgaonwadee jungles (see Javentha's confession, para marked B) is a matter I cannot see how the Muhtamim can explain away.

You will see on perusal of the Muhtamim's statement marked F which I attach how he accounts for the failure in the encounter with the dacoits at Dewgaumwade.

(41) Taking all things into consideration I am of opinion that the Muhtamim worked well throughout this disturbance but showed want of self-confidence and looked up too much for assistance and support from the Talukdar and others in matters he should have acted on his own responsibility. His excuse for not knowing what was going on in Kaka's house and what the Baba was doing in Bhir is that he remained very little in Bhir and being a newcomer was not in a position to gain information.

(42) It is to be regretted that no steps were taken to recover the plundered property from the captured dacoits. Not a finger was raised from the 4th April till the 3rd May. If active measures were at once taken three-fourths of the loot would have been recovered as the prisoners were in a fearful fright and had lost all self-control when first captured.

Ameen Mustafa Khan was as it were the Chief in Charge of the whole show and being Ahmed Khan's right-hand man would not brook any interference. All the while he was very busily negotiating bribes with the prisoners and their friends and I have hopes of being able soon to prove that he did receive a bribe from one of the prisoners.

(43) I attach a rough sketch of the place the dacoits were assembled when attacked by the Contingent Troops on the 14th April '99. You will observe that the temple A is the key of the position which though strong one was untenable when A was occupied in force. To get possession of A was an easy matter and only required a few men to rush it from the side marked B in the sketch and taking into consideration the class of men Dhairs, Mangs, Salees, Chumbars, Cunbees, Mabarathas, Dhungers and Culltees which made up the sum-total of the gang and the arms they possessed I am at a loss to conclude why the assistance of the military was obtained when there were sufficient police, Rohillas, etc., to attack double the men of such dacoits then at Bhir. With 25 Rohillas the position could have been rushed and the men dispersed in an hour but I cannot but conclude that like anything else the position was considered impregnable and the number of dacoits exaggerated hundredfold.

(44) I hope you will not think it out of place my suggesting here that it is my humble opinion that every Brahmin of whatsoever rank in Government employment should be at once removed or rather transferred from the Bhir and Aurangabad districts to places without this Division and not allowed to ever return again as there is not a doubt that every Brahmin either was an active mover in the intrigues of the Baba or knew of their existence. Of course I do not hold the same alarming ideas as regards the Baba's intrigues as are held by many in these parts nor do I consider there was any attempt to subvert the Government, but this I hold that his intrigues and foolish blabber caused much crime and led to many a well-behaved and honest men finding himself placed in a false position and others branded as dacoits who were honest cultivators till they were led away by this Baba's direct or indirect teachings and by seeing Brahmin Government servants active agents of this said Baba.

(45) I now hold 69 prisoners. 12 have been killed and there are about 27 still at large who either absconded the day the dacoits were attacked or afterwards.

The total amount of property recovered comes to about Rs. 8,000 which is very little indeed when compared with the total amount plundered, namely, about Rs. 36,637-0-0. But I think that in the Tarasona case in which the complainant puts down his loss at Rs. 24,762-12-6 and says he lost in cash alone Rs. 11,000 that the complainant has made a false statement, as one and every dacoit who took part in this case state that they found no cash in the house. Besides this some of the offenders handed up their shares in this case which were found to consist of false gold and silver ornaments. The complainant states these do not belong to him whereas all the dacoits swear they found them in the house.

(46) The delay in forwarding this report to you took place on account of the great difficulty I had in getting together the materials and in trying to get as near the real facts as possible before I ventured to put pen to paper. And I much doubt whether all I have referred to in this long report will be found correct when the originators of all these troubles are brought to the front, which I hope will be soon accomplished. Then and then only will the real truth of these intrigues be known.

I have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your most obedient servant,

(Sd.) E. J. Stephenson,
Detective Assistant."

Statement of Bapoo Rao Nursing, Brahmin of Pooplee, Taluka Tuljapur, District Naldrug.

" My father is a Patwaree of my village Pooplee. I was at Hyderabad about 11 months ago (11th August '98) where I met Kishen Rao Brahmin who is employed in the Court of Wards at Hyderabad as a Karkoon and Rungrao who is a Karkoon in the Customs Department and is a resident of the village of Kallam, a town in the Naldrug District. We met at a place called Ladkee-Bye-Ka-Badah which is within the Residency limits.

Kishen Row said, "A man has arrived who wants to get together armed men to cause a disturbance and if you will get him men he will pay them and pay you also." I enquired who this man was. Kishen Rao replied, "He is a big man named Row Sahib," Kishen Rao and Rungrao then said, "There are Kykadies towards your village. Can you arrange to get them to assemble and commence looting?" I said I would try. After about a month myself, Rungrow and Kishen Rao left Hyderabad, taking train at Hyderabad and leaving it at Packnee, a small station near Sholapore. From Packnee we went to Pooplee. Next day I went to look up the Kykadies. I met one of the gang. He said, "We do not trust Brahmins" but if I gave him Rs. 150 he would get together a gang and come to Aurangabad, where the Row Sahib was. I should have mentioned this before that it was arranged that we should meet the Rao Sahib (Baba) at Aurangabad after making the necessary arrangement to get up a gang.

I told the Kykadee I would ask my master and let him know; so, we three myself, Rungrow, and Kishen Row left Pooplee for Aurangabad, first going to Kallam which is 60 miles from Pooplee. The reason for going to Kallam was that Rungrow was a resident of that village and had his relatives at Kallam. On arriving at Kallam where we remained for several days Kishenrow left us and went to a place called Kouta. Taluka Jintoor, District Parbhani, as he is a relative of the Desmukhs of Kouta. After Kishen Rao left, Rungrow was sent to Tamba, Taluka Kaij, District Bhir, to see one Shaishrao alias Dhaiee Daishpandia of Kallam who is a near relative of Rungrow. Dhaiee arrived and Rungrow asked him if he could get men together as a big man had arrived at Aurangabad and wanted to get men together as he wanted to assemble an army. Dhajee said that men could be got together if money was given. After some further talk myself Rungrow and Dhajee went to Barsi, took train to Nagger and from there went by Tongah to Aurangabad. On arriving at Aurangabad we went to one Govindrow Potdar's house who is employed in the Aurangabad Treasury as a Sharoff. We arrived there in the morning and Rungrow enquired of Govind Rao, " Is the Row Sahib (Baba) at Aurangabad? " Govind Row left his house and in about 20 minutes returned and said that the Rao Sahib (Baba) had just arrived from some village and that he wished us to come and see him. Govindrow then accompanied us (I mean myself, Rungrow and Dhajee) as far as the Baba's house which he pointed out and all entered it. This house is situated behind the Suparee Maruthee's temple at Aurangabad. It is a three-storeyed house right on the public road. I knew nothing of Aurangabad, having never gone there before.

On entering this house we found the first door open and another door which led up to the first storey of the house locked from inside. We called out, "Open the door", upon which we were asked who we were. Rungrow replied, "I am Rungrow". Upon this, the door was opened, and we all went upstairs, where we met the Baba; he was sitting on a "Mireg Chala" (deer-skin). There were no arms with him. He said, " What is the news and when did you all come. After we have had our food we will have a chat." We then left and went back to the Potdar's house, and about noon went hack to the Baba's house for our food where we had a feed, it being a Friday. The Baba said he could not discuss any matter just then; so after some talk we left. We returned to the Potdar's. In the evening we again went to the Baba's for our food. Besides ourselves and the Baba there was another man who joined us who went by the name of Govindrow No. 2. The Potdar Govindrow did not attend this dinner. Nothing passed during the time we were having our food. A woman attended us during the dinner. She was an old woman and was married. I say this, as she had the usual marriage "Pote" on. I only noticed a Maratha servant in the house and one Umruth Bheemrao and one Pandoo. son of Bheemraw, a Customs Inspector, who was then at the Taroda Chowki. There was no one else in the house. After dinner the Baba asked us to come the next morning. So, myself, Dhajee and Rungrow called on the Baba next day. We found the Baba alone. He went up to the third storey of the house alone and then sent Rungrow No. 2 to call Rungrow. the man who was with us. So he went up accompanied by Dhaiee. After a quarter of an hour I joined them. The Baba then enquired. "What Bandobast have vou made and what can you do". Dhajee said that he could get 2.000 men together. I said I could get 100 Kykadees. The Baba said that he would pay each man Rs. 8 a month and would supply arms and ammunition. We then told the Baba if he gave us an advance of Rs. 10.000 we would get together the men. Our chief object was to cheat the Baba and get money out of him. (Note:—This does not look so when the after proceedings of the people are considered.)

The Baba said he had no money, as he had made large advances elsewhere. On this the money matter was dropped, and dinner was served, after taking which we again returned to our place at the Potdar's. In the evening we again called at the Baba's house, and it was agreed that when the whole country rose in arms in the Baba's cause he would advance the Rs. 10,000. We said we could not agree to this and after much talk Rs. 48 were given to Rungrow and a chit was given to me to the Kaka at Bhir by the Baba. It was worded thus: "Give the bearers of this what they ask for. Keshavrao Punchee will explain matters".

Keshavrao Punchee is a Paischar of the Tahsildar's Katchery here (Bhir). I should here mention how we came to know Keshavrao Punchee. It was in this wise. The day before the Baba gave the chit to Kaka for the arms, Keshavrao Punchee came to the Baba's and had a long talk with him on the third storey of the house. We were sitting downstairs. Dhaiee and Rungrow knew who Keshavrao Punchee was, I did not. We (myself, Dhajee and Rungrow the Customs Karkoon) got a cart and came on to Bhir. The day we left Aurangabad the Kishenrow whom I have referred to as having left the party at Kallam and who was employed at Hyderabad in the Court of Wards turned up at Aurangabad where we had left him.

On arriving at Bhir we went to one Gocul Pershad, a Rajput of Bhir and put up at his place; he allows people to put up at his place. After having our food Dhajee and Rungrow left me and went away and returned in about 3 hours. I asked them where they had been to. They said, " We went to see the Kaka ". I said, " What did the Kaka say about the arms? " I gave the chit I got from the Baba either to Dhajee or Rungrow: I forget to whom. They said the Kaka had agreed to give the arms.

Next day I went with Dhaiee and Rungrow to the Kaka's. He asked me how was the Baba and when he was coming. I said very soon. After some talk we left. We remained at Bhir for 3 days. The day we left, the Kaka sent us three guns (muzzle loaders) and one blunderbuss, the Kaka saying he had no more arms to give. We took these arms and started from Bhir, mounted on three hired ponies. The owner of the ponies was a Mohamedan of Bhir. We went straight to Dewgaon where we put up for the night. There we met Dhondee (one of the Chief leaders now in custody), who showed us a Brahmin's house where we had food and the ponies were also supplied with Kadba, and we rested at Dewgaon in the Chawdi. On arriving at Dewgaon, Dhajee enquired of. the people at the Chawdi if Shajee was at Dewgaon, Shajee is. I believe, a brother of Dhondee. After a while Dhondee came to the front, and said Shajee was away. Dhajee asked me to sit on one side and said that I was the Baba's agent. Dhajee asked Dhondee, " Are you on friendly terms with Kaka and have vou got together armed men." Dhondee said "Yes", and Dhajee pointed towards me telling Dhondee I was the. Baba's agent.

Next morning we started f'rom Dewgaon on our way to Tamba, Dhajee's village is at a place about a mile from Tamba known as the Singasun-ka-Davee. We met Shajee who had a Dhair of Dewgaon with him. Taking him with us we went to Tamba and put up at Dhajee's house.

I was told by Dhajee to act as the Baba's agent and not to join in the conversation; so I remained quiet, and Dhajee and Shajee had a long chat. I did not hear what was said after which Shajee left, saying he was going to Dewgaon.

Next day myself, Dhajee and Rungrow, the Customs Clerk went to Kallam taking one of the guns we got from the Kaka with us; the other guns and the blunderbuss were left at Tamha in Dhajee's house.

On arriving at Kallam we put up at Rungrow's house. Rungrow kept my gun and gave me Rs. 8 and told me to go to Poplee and get together the Kykadies. So I left Kallam alone, taking a hired pony with me. On arriving at Poplee, my village, I met the chief of the Kykadies named Budia and asked him to get men together. He said he would not have anything to do with Brahmins. While I was at Poplee one Yenketrow, a Kulkarni of Polech, Taluqa Pandharpur, District Sholapur, met me and came along with me to Kallam. where I found out that Dhajee had gone back to his village Tamba and only Rungrow was at Kallam. The reason of Yenket Rao accompanying me to Kallam was as follows: I met Yenkat Rao at Hyderabad when I was there. Umrath Bhim Rao Panda (the man I have referred to before) was also at Hyderabad at this time. He was then an agent of the Baba's. and he told me that the Baba, his master, wanted a cook and asked Yenkat Rao if he would take service with the Baba. Yenkat Rao agreed to this and taking train came on to his village, Pollech, where I met him and took him on with me to Kallam as stated above. Rungrow asked me about the Kykadies. I said they refused to come upon which he said, "Never mind. go to Aurangabad and try and get the Baba to advance Rs. 100 and tell him that men are being got together." Tell the Baba if he asked where I was that I was getting men ready and try and obtain some money from the Baba. So I and Yenkat Rao came to Deogaon where we met Shajee and Dhondee. They asked me to inform the Kaka and the Baba that they wanted no money, but a quantity of cartridges and a cartload of sulphur and saltpetre. We left Deogaon and came to Bhir and went to Kaka's house where we were put up. He gave us food. I asked him what Shajee and Dhondee had said about the cartridges, etc. He said, " Go to Aurangabad and bring the Baba to Bhir and everything will be arranged." So we started from Bhir and reached Aurangabad and put ourselves up with the Baba who was in the same house where I had first met him. The Baba sent for me alone upstairs and asked me if arrangements had been made to collect men. I said that money was required to do this. I then told him about the cartridges, etc. The Baba said that there was a lot of old gunpowder in the Daulatabad Fort which I could get and make it serviceable by putting it in brandy. The Baba then gave me three small boxes of cartridges and bade me take them to Shajee and Dhondee and tell them that they were being sent as samples.

We remained three days in the Baba's house where we met three Brahmins who were the Baba's friends. They could speak English and Marathi. I can recognise them even now. Two of them were, Appa and Govind Rao. Punda whom I have mentioned before said these three Brahmins were the Raja's agents and came from Dharwar.

The Baba employed Yenkat Rao as his cook. This man Yenkat Rao is now at Dwarka in Gujarat acting I suppose as the Baba's agent. His address is Lalla Rassaldar, Dwarka. He gave me a chit from Baba to Kaka which was open. In this chit the Baba said "I am coming very soon, do not be anxious." Taking this chit and the three boxes of cartridges with me, I came back to Bhir and went to Kaka's house where I met Shajee. I gave the Kaka the Baba's chit, took my dinner and next day went to Deogaon, Shajee accompanying me. On reaching Deogaon I met Dhondee and gave him the three boxes of cartridges and told him what the Baba had said about the gunpowder at Daulatabad.

From Deogaon I went on to Tamba. Dhajee asked me what the news was I said, "The Baba is coming to Bhir very soon". Dhajee said nothing. I took my food and then went on to Kallam where I met Rungrow. He said " what is the news about the Baba?" I said "he is coming to Bhir in a day or two". So after resting at Kallam I went on to my village Poplee in the month of November 1898, and after about 2 weeks' rest at my house I went to Hyderabad where I met the man Punda I have before referred to. I asked him why he had come to Hyderabad and left the Baba. Punda said, "I had a dispute with the Baba and he drew his sword and wanted to cut my throat, so I got away", and that the Baba was " Lucha " and warned me not to go near him. This man, Umrath Bheem Row Punda is about 20 or 23 years of age. He is now at Dehra Doon in the Forest School, there studying for the Forest Department.

I then took service as acting Munshee at the British Post Office in Hyderabad, where I have been from the beginning of January '99 to the 13th May '99.

Sheshrow Ram Row Dhajee (Neeranture), Brahmin Daishpandiah of Tamba, taluqa Kaij, District Bhir, corroborates the recital of Bapu Row in every way and further states that during the time he was at Aurangabad he often noticed 4 or 5 sawars of the contingent coming frequently to see the Baba. They used to come without uniform, but mounted on Government horses. The Baba used to go and meet them.

(5)

An extract of a statement by Jaivantha, son of Shajee of Devgaum

"About eight months ago or about three or four days before the Divali, Etilsingh, a servant of Sivrow Kaka, came to Devgaon. He said Sevrow Kaka had sent him to call myself and Dhondee (my uncle) to Bhir as a Rajah had come, who was soon to be master of all Hindustan. Dhondee was not there at Dewgaon; so I went alone with Etilsingh to Bhir.

We went straight to Sivrow Kaka's house; it was then about 6 o'clock in the evening. I was introduced to the Rajah, who was sitting on Kaka's "Madee", by Kaka, Sirpathi Kaka's son and Bow Rau alias Ganga Dher, who is a son of Kaka's brother. When we went up to the " Madee" Vital Rau, Bapoo Kasud Vakil, Rungrow Kowlia a Karkoon of the Mahafiz Duftar at Bhir, Kasaba Vakeel and some other Brahmins were present. The Rajah said the Raj will be changed on Gudee Padva day and asked us to collect men to whom he would supply arms and ammunition. All the Vakeels, whom I have named above, and the others that were with them joined the Rajah and said that what the Rajah had said was true. They used to address him (the Rajah) as Maharaj and sometimes as Rowsaib. All these Vakeels said the Maharaj had given up all he possessed, and wandered about for the past 14 years all for the Marathas and Hindus, and that the Europeans had robbed India and taken all the money out of India, and said, " Just look at a box of matches; the Europeans make 50 for one pice in their country and make us pay one pice for each here. They kill a cow which is a general sin and our religion is lost. I have come to put things right. I want your assistance. The Mahomedan and Europeans are the great sinners. When I come to power I will hang anyone who kills a cow and amputate the hand of him who sells a cow to a European or Mahomedan and those who do not come to my assistance now I will destroy when I come to power.

After remaining in Bhir for 2 or 3 days where I stayed in Kaka's house and where I received my food I went back to my village. All the time I was in Bhir the Maharaj held meetings at Kaka's house on the "Madee" and all I have said above was reported over and over again. When I reached Devgaon I told Dhondee all I had seen and heard at Bhir. He said when all the world takes action we will follow. No one came near us for about 2 or 3 months. Shajee (Dhondee's brother), my father was then at Deogaon. When I say then I mean that Shajee, my father, came 5 or 6 days after I returned from Bhir.

A Sowcar of Barsi complained against Shajee in the Civil Court at Bhir and summons was issued, and my father Shajee went from Deogaon to Bhir, where he met Siv Row Kaka, and he reported all he had said to me about the Maharaj. I learnt this on my father's return to Deogaon. About 15 days after this Gangabisan of Hyderabad wrote to my father Shajee to come to Hyderabad; so he went to Hyderabad After about 15 days Etilsingh came to Deogaon and asked me where Shajee was. I said he bad gone to Hyderabad. Etilsingh then said the Rajah wants to see Dhondee and myself; so we accompanied Etilsingh and came to Bhir and went straight to Kaka's nouse. We met the Rajah. An the persons I have mentioned before I saw again with the Rajah. We remained at Kakas for 2 days, during which time people used to visit the Rajah who was putting up with the Kaka. The Rajah told Dhondee and myself, 'I want money to pay the Ressalah and Regiments.' We said we had no money, He said commit dacoity. We said there is no money in anyone's house, as during the famine of last year all valuables and money had been hidden up. The Rajah said, 'I will give you Information where there is money to be got; plunder that place.' He then mentioned Natra as a village where a Vingah lived who had heaps of money. He also said there was a house at Sawre and at several other places lot of plunder would be obtained. He also said he would supply the required arms and ammunition.

Dhondee said, " The Natra man is a relative of ours. How can we loot his house? " The Rajah said, ' Loot him now and when I come to power I will give him a jagir of 10,000'.

"Two or three days after this we left and went to Deogaon, got together a gang and committed the Natra dacoity. Tne gang consisted of about 30 or 33 persons. Four Arabs of Wasee were among the dacoits; two were Government servants who are employed at the Tahsildar's Kacherri at Wasee and two were in the employ of one Ganoo Kotola of Bawla, Taluka Wasee.

Etilsingh came to Deogaon to join us in this dacoity but he got fever, so he did not accompany us but remained at Deogaon. After committing this dacoity we came back to Deogaon bringing all the plunder with us; the cash found was divided, each dacoit getting Rs. 20. The Arabs got one gold " Kadah", one silver "Thoda" and one silver "Kurdodah." All the loot which consisted of gold and silver jewellery was tied up in a Dhotee and put before Etilsingh who was to take it to the Rajah at Bhir. Etilsingh put a chit on this bundle. Next day information came to hand that one Ballu (arrested) had Rs. 800 in cash which he stole during the dacoity. He was followed up to Babulgaon, and I received Rs. 800 from him which I brought to Deogaon with Ballu and handed him over to Etilsingh and Dhondee. Next morning Etilsingh and Dhondee taking the Natra plunder with them went to Bhir.

Two or three days afterwards Dhondee returned alone to Deogaon. I asked him what he had done with the bundle of jewellery, etc. He said he had handed it over to Kaka.

After about 15 days later the Oopla dacoity was committed by the Deogaon gang headed by Dhondee. Etilsingh and Gopalsingh (who were both killed by the troops when we were arrested) accompanied us in this dacoity. All the plunder was got together (the jewellery, gold and silver) and tied up in a bundle. The cash found was divided among the dacoits, each getting from Rs. 10 to 20. The jewellery worth Rs. 400 in cash was taken by myselt. Etilsingh and Gopalsingh were taken to Bhir and handed over to Kaka at his house. I saw the Rajah. He complained that there was very little plunder. I said I had brought what we got. I remained one day in Kaka's house and then returned to Deogaon. I met Suddia Mang. He was a great dacoit and had put in 7 years in the Yerrawada Jail. Suddia Mang was sitting at Kaka's door and remarked 'What sort of Rajah is this? Gets dacoities committed by us and takes the plunder'. I was then sent for by the Baba and Kaka and told that Suddia Mang must be disposed of. A plan was formed and Suddia was conveyed with a friend of his to the Deogaon Wadee jungle where a large stack of old 'Kardee' was kept. Both Suddia and his friend were murdered: their bodies were placed on the stack, which was set fire to and they were burnt to ashes. The murder was committed by myself and Mogiah Mang. We committed these two murders being ordered to do so by the Rajah through Kaka.

After 3 or 4 days the Mohtamim of Bir came to the village of Kasaree, Taluka Kaij, and arrested 3 persons, all of whom have confessed their crimes. We then thought we would be caught, so we bolted into the hills. Our number then was about 9 or 10 persons. We had 3 guns, 3 swords with us, and some powder and bullets which were supplied to us by the Kaka.

Dhondee and Aba Andla (the man arrested yesterday 4th June, '99) went to Bhir.

I with my party remained in the hills, and after a few days myself and one Dhondee Talee of Deogaon (arrested) came to Mag and went to Bapoorow Patil's (one of the leaders arrested), where we met one Gunpatee son of Patel Bowah and Mogiah Mang, another leader (arrested). This man said, 'Kaka and the Rajah are coming to Mag. Send for your men who are in the hills'. I sent Dhondee and next morning my party arrived at Mag.

We remained two days at Mag in a hill near a well belonging to Bapoorow Patil.

On the third day Kaka arrived from Amba alone. He was mounted on a pony belonging to Vital Rao. I told Kaka, 'Here I am with my men in the Jungles. We have nothing to eat and Dhondee is at Bir, what am I to do?' He said, 'I will send Dhondee to you and will send food with him; you must live by plunder.' During the time we were at Mag (10 or 12 days) we got food from Bapoorow, and Mogiah Mang got food for us. On Kaka reaching Bir he sent Dhondee to Mag and Aba Andula came with him. It was from here we committed the Barampur dacoity. Etilsingh and Gopalsingh (servants of Kaka) joined us in this dacoity, as also about 10 or 12 persons of Mag. We got very little in the house we plundered. All that was looted was given to the Mag party who joined us.

The Mohtamim of Bir coming to a place called Daken Mohi, we bolted and went to Lakeer Wadee (the place where we were attacked by the Troops). The gang then consisted of about 30 persons under the leadership of Dhondee, Mogiah, Bapu Rao Patel and Etilsingh. Here we remained for 2 or 3 days. The Mohtamim of Bir coming to the village of Hura which is about a mile from Laker Wadee we bolted and went to the Sagerwadee jungles, from where we committed the Karee Oopla dacoity. There were 25 dacoits in this case. Etilsmgh and Gopalsingh were among the dacoits. The plunder was divided; nothing was sent to Kaka at Bhir.

We remained about 8 or 10 days at Sagerwadee and then went to Devgaon Wadee where we remained in the hills. We used to get our food from Deogaon, dacoits going and bringing it to our camp.

While we were encamped at Deogaon Wadee the Mohatmim again appeared on the hill beneath which we were camping. He had I should say about 30 men with him, and our party consisted of about 30 dacoits. The Mohtamim's party fired two shots at us. They were about 500 yards away. We all got on the alert and formed into 3 parties, one remaining at our camp and one going to the right and the other to the left with the intention of surrounding the Mohtamim's party, all three parties firing at the Mohatmim's party, which returned the fire. Some of the bullets of the Mohatmim' party reached us but we took cover. The Mohatmim's party then began to retire and we followed them for about a mile towards Dhypul, and losing sight of them we returned to our camp and came on to our old camp Lakerwadee.

We remained at Lakerwadee for about 15 days from where we committed the Tarsona dacoity. While we were encamped at Lakervadee we were reinforced by several men who joined us from Sagerwadee, Mag and Devgaon which increased our numbers to about 80 persons. Among them were several persons who had brought food to their relatives and several boys joined us having relatives among our gang.

The loot in the Tarsona dacoity was divided into 5 shares as follows: —

The Mag Party one share.
The Devgaon Party one share.
Etilsingh one share.
Mogiah Mang one share.

The fifth share I cannot say who took. None of the plunder obtained in the Tarsona dacoity was taken to Bhir.

Ammunition was sent by Kaka to our camp on 4 different occasions.

Pandoo of Devgaon was arrested while bringing cartridges to our camp and he is now a prisoner.

I forgot to mention that while I was at Kaka's house with the Rajah that a paper gun was made by him in this wise: An iron crowbar was produced and paper was wrapped round about 2 ft. of this crowbar till the paper was about six inches thick. It was then removed from the crowbar and an iron breach was fixed to it and after it was dry, the Rajah loaded it putting a ball about the size of an egg, and it was tired. The ball, Etilsingh and one Gangasingh, servants of Kaka said, had struck a Musjid about a mile away. I did not notice or see the ball strike, I cannot say whether the ball was of metal or not. The Rajah told me that he could make large guns like the one he had shown me, and that one man could carry three such guns with him into the hills and use them when necessary. When the paper gun was fired off from Kaka's Madee the following persons were present: Vithal Row, Bapu Keshav Vakeel, Kaka, his son Sirpathi and Bhau Row Gangadhar and several others.

I noticed a Mohamedan the other day who used to visit the Rajah at Kaka's. He used to bring his own matchlock and practise before the Rajah. This Mahomedan is a relative of one Rayen Khan, Munshi of Bhir. I know his house and can point it out.

I forgot to mention that while we were encamped at Lakerwadee, Vakeel Kaseeba, Moulvi Abdulla and Sarveth Ali came to our camp and told us that the Talukdar had sent them to persuade us to come out. We were all thinking of doing so, but Kaseeba Vakeel took me to one side and advised me not to come out as in a few days things will be changed meaning that the Rajah, would come to power. So we held back, but Bapurow Patel of Mag and Dhuria Dhair of Mag left our camp and went with the Vakeels to Bhir. After about 10 or 12 days Bapu Rao accompanied by Dhurria came to our camp at Sagerwadee and told us that he had given Rs. 2,000 security but had seen Kaka who had told him all would be well in a few days; so he returned and joined us.

The Rajah was a good shot and used to make others practise shooting.

Bapu Thasud Vakeel, Vithal Rao, Kaka, Bhaurow and Kaka's son Shirpathi used to practise with guns in Kaka's Bada.

I was educated in a school at Bhir when I was a boy. Kaka's sons used to attend this school. So I was friendly with the family.

While I was at Deogaon and when I gave up my share of the plunder I had, I also gave up 3 spearheads I got from the Baba and Kaka at Bhir, and also gave up a flag they gave me. The flag had some words written on it and the head of tiger is drawn on it."

(6)

Statement of Mohamed Azam, Mohtamin of Bhir.

" When the Natra dacoity occurred I started to investigate the case and arrested 4 of the offenders and got a little property worth about 112 rupees and on making further enquiries I found that a great number of the dacoits, accomplices of the 4 men I had captured, had left their houses. So I came to Bhir and got Mr. Aher Ali the Joint Magistrate to take proceedings under Sections 87 and 88 of the I.P.C, and got 19 attachment warrants issued. Other dacoities followed in quick succession alter the Natra case. I wrote for Arabs, Sikhs and Sawars. The Talukdar wrote to me saying he was coming with men to assist me but he never turned up. So I came to Bhir to see him on the 16th Ardibehsht (20th March) and reported all I had seen and done.

From the 16th to the 22nd Ardibehsht I remained in Bir and enquiries were set on foot regarding the intrigues ot the Brahmin and the Baba. On the 22nd Ardibehsht (26th March) I received a D.O. letter from the Talukdar informing me that as some of the dacoits were coming in I should not attempt to capture them. Subsequently, I received another order from the Talukdar directing me to capture the dacoits. On the 23rd Ardibehsht (27th March '99) I went to meet Ahmed Khan at Peepilnair taking a confidential letter from the Talukdar which referred to the Brahmin intrigues at Bhir. On the 25th Ardibehsht (29th March) I came to Bhir and met Ahmad Khan. Arrangements were then made and three parties were told off as follows: party No. 1 under my command consisting of 15 constables and 10 Sikhs and 2 Sawars; party No. 2 under the command of the Amin of Bhir consisting of 10 constables, 10 Sikhs asd 4 Sawars and party No. 3 under Amin Ghoolam Yaseen Khan consisting of 4 constables, 2 Sawars and some Rohillas. Orders were given to operate against the dacoits. Ahmed Khan remained at Bhir.

I went to Mag taking party No. 2 with me. The Amin in command of party No. 2 said he could not manage the Sikhs. So I took the 10 Sikhs he had and gave him 10 constables out of the 15, I had with me. From Mag I went to Dokel Mahe sending my kit with a constable and a servant named Ahmed. The dacoits captured the servant and constable and looted the kit.

Getting information that the dacoits were at a place called Dewgaon Wadee I followed them and found them assembled in the hills. I fired on them and they returned the fire. This firing continued till sun-down when I found my men had no cartridges. So I returned to Dhyphul and remained there. Of the Sikhs with me 4 men were mounted on ponies and 10 were old men who were useless. I reported all this to Ahmed Khan. On the 4th April, I was ordered by Ahmed Khan to remain at a place called Nathenoor and on the 9th Khurdad (13th April) I was informed by Ahmed Khan that the Contingent troops were coming. I received certain instructions which I carried out. The next day the dacoits were attacked and captured."

(7)

Statement of Mogiya, son of Eetoo Mang, of Gunda Wadgaun, taluka Bhir, one of the dacoits in custody.

"During the time when the Jawaree fields were in full bearing, and what is called the "Hulda" time, one day Dhuria, son of Gopalia Dhair of Mag, taluka Bhir, came to me and said Bapoorow Patel of Mag wanted me at Mag, as a Rajah had arrived at Mag. I and Dhuria arrived at Mag that night. I went to the Mang Wada, and Dhuria went to Bapoorao Patel's house. This was about ten o'clock at night. After a little, one Gunpatrao, son of Vithalrao Karkoon of Bhir, came to the Mang Wada, where there is a well and a big stone. On this stone Gunpatrao sat and sent Dhuria Dhair to call me. I went and sat on the ground near the stone on which Gunpatrao was sitting; and Dhuria Dhair sat near me. Gunpatrao said, "I have been looking out for you for some time, but could not find your whereabouts." I said, "I have returned from the British Territory only four or five days ago, as I was in jail in that Illaqa, having put in one year's imprisonment." Gunpatrao then said, "What are you going to do now?" I said, "I have to put in a year's imprisonment in the Moghlai. You act as my Vakeel. and try and get this sentence quashed."

Gunpatrao remarked, "What is the use of troubling now? In two months' time the Hindoo Raj will be in power". I laughed at this, upon which Gunpatrao said, "Come with me to Bhir and I will show you the Rajah. Listen to what I say." I said, "What is that?" He said, "Get together armed men, and when I tell you, commence work. You must get 200 men ready". I said, "I am done up, being cut all over the body, being wounded by the Police, when they captured me, and I have not the strength to do as you say." Gunpatrao said, "Keep quiet for fifteen days, and I will see you again". After this Dhuria Dhair and Gunpatrao left. I remained in the Mang Wada. After some time, Dhuria Dhair came again to call me and took me to a Lohar's Wada in the village. I do not know this Lohar's name. There I found Sivrao Kaka, Bapoorao Patel, and his brother Patel Bawa, and Bapoorao's son Gunpatrao and Jayram Gosai of Mag. This was about 2 o'clock in the morning. Sivrao Kaka, Bapoorao Patel and Gunpatrao, Vithalrao Karkoon's son, all told me, "You being such a brave man why do you refuse to get together a gang as we want you?" I said, " I have not the strength left in me now". They said " Get together the men, and you can keep to one side. You must join us in this work". Some jawaree was brought, and Kaka took it in his hand, and swore by the Jawaree that no harm would come to me if I did as they wished. Jawaree was put into my hands, and I was made to swear that I would not for sake the cause; and Kaka and the others swore that they would not betray me. After this Kaka and Gunpatrao Vakeel said, "Get us Rs, 10,000". I said. "Where can this be got from? " They said, " Commit dacoity ". They then said, " A treasure of Rs. 10,000 is leaving Bhir tomorrow and going to Purlee. This treasure will be on a camel, and there will be two Rahtores with it. Kill the two Rahtores and loot this treasure ". I said, "All right". Kaka said, " Give me one of your men, and he will go ahead of the camel and give you the news that the treasure is coming". I said, " All right". After this Kaka and Gunpatrao Vakeel said to me, " Now you must remain with Bapoorao Patel". After this the meeting broke up, and Kaka and Gunpatrao went back to Bhir.

After Kaka and Gunpatrao Vakeel left, I told Bapoorao Patel, "I will not loot the treasure, as the Rahtores will show fight and we will have to kill them and they will kill some of us" "Then leave this alone" was Bapoorao's reply. "Never mind, I will borrow four or five thousand rupees and give it to Kaka." Bapoorao was arranging this loan, when I warned him not to give this money till we saw the Raja. Bapoorao agreed to this.

After about fifteen days, Gopalsing (son of Etilsing, who were both servants of the Kaka, and were both killed during the attack by the Contingent troops) came to Mag and said that Kaka had sent him for the Rs. 10,000 which was wanted. Gopalsing then remarked, " If you have not the money, the orders of the Rajah and the Kaka are to commit dacoity". Gopalsing suggested the Marvadee's house at Sircy, a village in British territory in the Nugger district. This village is about four miles from the Moghlai border. I got together a gang of 8 of my men, Gopalsing bringing 3, making in all 12 dacoits. We started from Mag and assembled at a place called Peery-chi-Taikreen, about 10 miles from Mag. Here we were joined by Dhondee, Abdool, Suria Dhair, Aba Andlia of Deogaum, and Etilsing of Bhir. Dhondee was mounted on a pony (a mare). I asked Dhondee, " Why have you come? " He said the Kaka had told him that I was going to commit a dacoity at Sircy and had ordered him to join me. Not having met Dhondee for a long time, we began to chat. I asked Dhondee. "What is your opinion regarding the Rajah's movement? " Dhondee said, " It looks all right". I said, " If he is a Rajah, why is he in want, and wants to be supplied with money? " Dhondee said, " He wants money to get arms and ammunition "; and then remarked, " I have given the Rajah all the loot I got in a dacoity I committed at Natia. " While we were talking, a snake made its appearance and Dhondee said, " This is a bad sign. Do not commit this dacoity." So we returned, putting up in the jungles of the village of Kunsa. Here we separated,—Dhondee Etilsing. Gopalsingh, Puria Dhair, Aba Andlia and Abdool going towards Bhir, and I and my party going towards Mag.

About eight days after this, one Yassia Dhair of Deogaum came to Mag. He said, "Gopalsing and Etilsing are at Deogaum, and Kaka is expected. "So I have been sent by Dhondee to bring you to Deogaum". So I and Yassiaya started for Deogaum: and on arrival there, we met Gopalsing and Etilsing Mag is 10 miles from Deogaum. After some talk, the Kara Oopla dacoity was planned and carried out. All the jewellery looted was tied up in a bundle, the dacoits only getting from 10 to 20 rupees each. This bundle of jewellery was, I believe, taken by Etilsing, Gopalsing and Jayvanta of Bhir, and was, I believe, handed over to the Kaka and the Rajah, not present when the bundle was despatched to Bhir, but was........... when it was tied up and sealed up. After this dacoity, I returned to Mag, and from there went to my village Gundee Wadgaum. After 3 or 4 days, I came back to Mag, and was putting up in Bapoorao Patel's Malla, where I was informed that the Rajah and Kaka had arrived at Mag. Thinking they would remain for 2 or 3 days, I.................... go to meet them. But after a little, the Rajah, Kaka, Bapoorao Patel, Patel Bawa, Jayram Gosai, Jaywenta Dhair and other Dhairs and Ramosees, Mag Shajee with Dhuria Dhair, Gopalsing, and Gunpatrao, son of Latail Bawa of Mag, all came to the Malla where I was. The Rajah was mounted on Bapoorao Patel's pony, and Kaka was also mounted, and Gunpatrao mounted on the Rajah's horse.

The Rajah examined the wounds on my body, and remarked, "Now is the time to fight. Get together 2 or 3 hundred men". I said, "All right". Just then Kaka remarked, "Yes, Mogya will assemble men". The Rajah said, "I will pay each man." The Rajah also remarked, "I will supply arms and ammunition". I then asked the Rajah if he had received a bundle of property sent him by Gopalsing. He said, "Yes, Yes, I received it". The Rajah had a S.B.B.L. gun with him, from which he fired a shot to show how far the bullet carries. The Rajah then remarked, " I will get you all guns like this." After some more talk the Rajah, Gunpatrao, son of Patel Bawa, Kaka, and Gopalsing went towards the Purlee road. Myself and Dhuria accompanied them for about a mile and then returned to Mag. Gopalsing returned to Bhir on the 3rd day. About fifteen days after the Rajah left Gunpatrao Patil returned also to Mag and next day Kaka arrived. I asked them where the Rajah was and they said the Rajah had gone to Aurangabad to make the necessary arrangements about the Contingent Troops joining the Rajah. They also said that the Contingent Troops at Amba were paid 10,000 rupees and were bought over. Kaka said, "Go ahead, loot away, do not fear the Police. We have the Sikhs on our side as also the Line Wallas. If the Amba Resala comes, the men will fire only blank cartridges at you." After this meeting I never saw the Kaka again. Etilsing and Gopalsing, his servants, used to meet me. All the crime I took part in was instigated by the Kaka and Rajah. I forgot to mention the murder of Suddia Mang and his associate. This crime was commited by myself and Jaivanta under orders from the Kaka which were conveyed to us by Etilsing, the Kaka's servant. The reason for causing Sudhia Mang's murder was because he said something which annoyed the Rajah and Kaka. We had no ill- will towards Sudhia Mang or his associate."

(8)

Statement of Dhondi, son of Ethoba of Dewgaon, leader of the dacoits.

"In the cold weather, last year, about the time the big jawaree is sown, Etilsing, Kaka's servant, came to Deogaum alone. He said Kaka wanted me at Bhir. I enquired, "What is the reason for sending for me?" Etilsing said, "A Guroo has arrived, and is putting up at Kaka's. So you are wanted to meet this Guroo". So I accompanied Etilsing to Bhir, where I put up in Kaka's Wada. I was introduced to the Guroo by the Kaka. This was on the Madee of Kaka's house. I fell at this Guroo's feet. Vithalrao Karkoon was then there, as also Bapoo Kased Vakeel, Gungadhar alias Bhaurao Vakeel, Sripat Kaka's son and Govindrao, a relation of Kaka's. Kaka and Vithalrao remarked to the Guroo that I was the Deogaum Patel and that I would give them the assistance they wanted. The Guroo said he had made all the necessary "Bandobast" and had got all the people of Hindostan on his side and that the time had come to take action and that the Brahmin Raj would soon be in power, and that arms would be supplied soon and so forth. I said, "How will this even be done?" After some more talk I said, "All right, when all join, I will follow". The Guroo then said, "I will go to Aurangabad and bring some spears, and make some further Bandobast. I will return to Bhir and you will then see how matters stand". I then left Bhir and returned to Deogaum. I told all this to Shaiee Patel, my brother. He said, "This is all rot. Are you mad? It is all lies". Shajee went to Bhir and returned to Deogaum, and said, "I have seen Kaka and the others, and I am of opinion that these Brahmins are all liars." My brother then went to Hyderabad. After some time the Deshpandia of Tambaone, viz., Bapoorao, and one Rungrao, Deshmukh of Kullum, arrived at Deogaum. They had three guns and one carbine with them. They put up in the village Chondee. I had a long talk with them. They said, "Have you heard anything?" I said, "I know nothing". They then said, How is it you say you know nothing, when we hear that Kaka had sent for you to Bhir"? I said. "You tell us what is the news". On this BaPoorao said, "We have been to Aurangabad, and seen the Rajah with our own eyes, and the whole thing is 'Pucka'; and that Kaka had given them the guns they had with them in the morning this party left, and I came to Bhir, as Bapoorao and Rungrao said the Kaka wanted me. On arriving at Bhir I put up at Kaka's. Next day Bapoo Kased Vakeel came from Aurangabad, bringing with him five spearheads and said that 2,000 spears were being got ready, as also guns. Of the five spearheads, Bapoo Kased brought from Aurangabad, Kaka gave me two, and after some days another spearhead These are the three spearheads, which were found at Deogaum by Mr. Stephenson. Kaka said, " You must look sharp now. A grand time has come, and you will be rewarded. So commence getting arms ready ". After this I returned to my village and the next day the Rajah arrived at Bhir and Etilsing was sent to Deogaum by the Kaka, and I was summoned to Bhir. I accompained Etilsing, and came to Bhir and saw the Rajah, who was putting up with the Kaka. I fell at his feet. The Rajah said he had made all Bandobast with the Contingent Troops Aurangabad and that he had only to arrange matters in the Bhir and Dharashiv districts. He then gave me a flag. This flag was given up to Mr. Stephenson at Deogaum, when he came there. When the flag was handed to me, the Rajah said, " Now mind, keep this flag and when my troops, with the Contingent, will come, show them this flag, and they will understand your party belongs to me, and will not hurt you. "Bapoo Kasad Vakeel and all the people (males) of Kaka's house were present. The Rajah then said, "The Kaka is your" 'Malik'. You will have to supply him with money ". I said, " What have I to give? " The Rajah said, " You are going to loot the country, and you will get lots of money. Go in for dacoity first; and then the regular fighting will take place afterwards ". After this I went back to my village, and committed the Natia dacoity; and the jewellery, etc., was all handed over to the Rajah and Kaka by myself and Etilsingh In the same way the Oopla dacoity was committed and the plunder handed over to the Rajah and the Kaka. I forgot to mention that when the Deshpandia of Tamba came to my village with the man Bapoorao as before stated, that Kaka sent me three boxes or cartridges.

On the capture of certain of my accomplices in the Natia Dacoity, I got alarmed and came with one Aba Andila to Bhir and came to Kaka's house. We found that both the Rajah and Kaka had gone to Purlee. Govindrao, son-in-law of the Kaka and Gungadhar alias Bhowrao told me they would show me a place to hide in. So we were taken there and food was supplied from Kaka's house. We remained hidden for fifteen days in this house. Gungadhar sent a camel to Purlee or Amba to the Kaka, with a letter telling him that I was in Bhir and that the Police were arresting those connected with the Natia dacoity After a day or two, the Kaka came to Bhir from Mag. The Kaka came to my hiding place and told me the Rajah had paid the Amba Risalla people Rs. 11.000 and 300 Gold Mohurs, and they had been bought over to the Rajah's side. Kaka said "Some of the Degoaum people are at this moment at Mag. Go there and meet them and also see Gunpatrao, son of Patel Bawa before whom the money was paid to the Risalla people, so that they may not fight against us." I said, "All this looks very well; but how can I fight the Sircar?". Kaka said, "When man of your position takes action, all the others will follow I said, "Let me see the Rajah again, as I cannot take action and collect men to fight". Kaka then said, "Never mind if you will not join, but when the Rajah comes to power he will destroy you and your family". Kaka further remarked. "If you come to grief over this, I will recompense you. Oaths were taken with Tulsi Patra when the Contingent was bought over, and so commence work ".

Kaka gave me a letter to the Rajah, which I was to take to him at Aurangabad. This letter was in a leather bag, which the Contingent Troopers took from me. I went from Bhir to Mag, and met Gunpatrao and Bapoorao Patels. Jaywenta of Deogaum was then near a well belonging to Bapoorao. He had several men with him. Gunpatrao told me that the Rajah had said that the Risalla people at Amba were given Rs. 11,000 before him, and they were all bought over, and that this was certain, and that there was nothing to fear from them and so on. So I joined the Mag gang, and we all took to the jungles, and committed much crime. I forgot to mention that I went to meet Mogiya, being sent by Kaka, who said that Mogiya was going to commit dacoity at Sircy, in British territory ".

NOTE.—Here this man gives a very clear account of his doings, and fully corroborates Mogiya in every way. So there is no need of repeating the story over again here. After his statement he was cross-examined in the following manner: —

Q.—How many times did you come to Bhir in connection with this Baba's case?

A.—I came about ten times.

Q.—Where did you put up while at Bhir?

A.—In Kaka's Bada and he used to give me food. I several times brought as many as half a dozen persons with me, all of whom were fed and logded in Kaka's house.

Q.—Did you hear or see Sadiya Mang say that the Baba was no Rajah, as he wanted people to commit dacoity and give the plunder?

A.—No, but I heard that he did so from Kaka, who said Sadiya Mang was a great Badmash.

Q.—How many meetings did you attend, and who were present at these meetings?

A.—About a dozen times. At these meetings I recognised the following persons: —

1. Bapoo Kased Vakeel of Bhir.

2. Govindrao Vakeel of Bhir.

3. Vithalrao Karkoon.

4. Rajaram Brahmin, of the Mohtamim's office (this man must be Rungrao).

5. The Subedar of the Line Wallahs.

6. Rungrao Kowlia.

7. Kaseeba Pateel Vakeel.

8. Mahdeosing Hindustanee, and some others whose names I do not know, but whom I can recognise.

Kaka gave me one gun and one sword, and one blunderbuss was given by Bapoo Kased Vakeel to Etilsing, Kaka's servant. Kaka sent gunpowder and caps several times to us, while we were in the hills.

Q.—Did the persons, whom you have named above, hear what all the Kaka and the Rajah said about the Hindu or rather Brahminical power being about to come to power?

A.—Yes; they heard every word, and they all said whatsoever the Rajah says is true and were it not for this, I mean the Vakeels saying so, and all these Vakeels being well-known to me, I would never have joined in this business.

(9)

Statement of Bapoorao, son of Abajee Patel of Mag, Taluqa Bhir, one of the dacoits in custody.

"About the Hulda time or about 10 or 15 days after the Devali, Vithalrao's son, whom I know as Rajajee, but whose name is I believe Gunpatrao, came to Mag. I know both father and son, the father being a Karkoon and his son a Vakeel. He said a Rajah had come to Bhir, and was putting up with the Kaka, and that his father Vithalrao had sent him to call me to come to Bhir to see the Rajah. So I came next day to Bhir, and went to Vithalrao's house. He said a Rajah had come to Bhir. I said, "Let me see him." So Vithalrao and myself came to Kaka's house. There we met the Rajah. The following persons were then with the Rajah: (1) Sivrao Kaka, (2) Bapoorao Kased Vakeel, (3) Pundarinath Vakeel, (4) Govindrao Vakeel, (5) The Moharrir of the Ameen Kutchery of Bhir, and several others whom I cannot name or recognise; but there were in all about 15 or 20 persons present. Others were also going and coming. Shajee Patel of Deogaon was also there. He is the brother of Dhondee. The Kaka and Vithalrao said, " You must join the Rajah, as he is a Hindoo. " Kaka said, " Why have you not given an answer?" I said, "I will go and ask my brother Jaujee, and after taking his advice will let you know." One Jayram Gosai was with me. He has now absconded. Kaka asked me when I would come back from my village. I said in three or four days. So we left Bhir and came back to Mag. I told my brother about meeting the Rajah etc., etc. My brother Jaujee said "I will come with you and bring our other brother Anna and Jayram Gosai with us." So we all came to Bhir, and went to the Kaka's house, where we found Vithalrao Kaka and Shajee Patel with the Rajah. Kaka on seeing us remarked, "Have you made up your mind to join and assist the Rajah?" I asked the Kaka, "What benefit will I derive if I join the Rajah?" Then the Rajah said, "When I come to power, you will get a Jaghire." On this I said all right. I was then given three spear-heads, which are now with me (since handed up). I asked, " When will the Rajah come to power?" He said after the Gudee Padwa (Hindoo New Year). Next day we all went back to Mag. About twenty days after this, Rajajee, Vithalrao's son. and Kaka came again to Mag, and said, "Why have you not got men together, and gone in for dacoity, as the Police have been ill-using you? " (He referred to Jemadar Shumsuddin beating me, etc.) I said I could not commit dacoity. Kaka said, " All right, if you will not go in for dacoity, will you not get armed men together, and take to the hills and jungles? " I said, " All right, I will do this." After this Kaka and Rajajee went back to Bhir.

After three or four days, Kaka's son Sripatee and Vithalrao's son Rajajee came again to Mag, and said the Deogaum people had gone in for dacoity, and asked us, what we were about. Mahdeosing Hindustanee, Etilsing and his son Gopalsing were with Kaka's son. They proposed that a dacoity should be committed on the house of a Patil at Lalondee, which is a Jaghire village, belonging to the Rajah Ray Rayan. I refused to allow this, as this village was close to Mag. Etilsing remarked that I was a fool, and after some further talk, the party left Mag and returned to Bhir. After two or three days, I came again to Bhir and went to see the Rajah and Kaka, where we found the following persons assembled: —

All the persons I have named above, namely Bapoo Kased and the seven other persons, were present, as also—

1. Dhamoo Bundaloo.

2. The Subedar of the Linewallas, whom I saw yesterday. He had two or three other Linewallas with him. There were also two Sikhs, whom I can recognise, and several others.

On coming before the Rajah, he enquired when I had come. I said, " I have just arrived. " After all those assembled had left except myself, Shajee Patel, Vithalrao, Jayram Gosai of my village, and Kaka I told the Rajah I could not commit dacoity; upon which the Rajah remarked, " Collect armed men and assist Dhondee of Deogaum. " I said all right, and then left for Mag. After seven or eight days, the Rajah, Kaka and Gopalsing came to Mag. They put up in a new house I am building. I got them food cooked by one Bow Bhut of my village; and after taking their meals, they mounted their ponies, and I accompanied them to my sugarcane field, where a sugarcane mill was working. They all had some sugarcane juice. Some Dhairs and Mangs also accompanied the Rajah. Here Mogiaya Mang, who had been sent for by Dhuria Dhair, came up. The Rajah and Kaka told Mogiaya Mang " You must join the Deogaum gang." Mogiaya said all right. About four days before the Rajah came to Mag, as I have above described, a dacoity was planned at the village of Sirsi in British territory which is, about fourteen miles from Mag. But some ill-omen was seen. So the gang returned to Mag. Dhondee was among the dacoits. After having a chat with Mogiya as described above, the Rajah, Kaka and Gopalsing started from Mag for Purlee accompanied by Gunpatrao, my relation (Bhateejah).

After about ten or twelve days, Gunpatrao arrived at Mag alone. He said the Rajah had bought over the Amba Risalla and paid them Rs. 10,000 and that Nana Saheb, the Deshpandia of Purlee, had also joined the Rajah. After three or four days the Kaka arrived at Mag. He said, " Join Dhondee. " Jawenta of Deogaum was then in the hills quite close to Mag. He had a gang with him, and met the Kaka and said, " What am I to do? Dhondee is at Bhir and I am all alone here. " Kaka said, " I will send Dhondee to you on my return to Bhir." After this the Kaka left, and next day Dhondee arrived at Mag. I did not see him when he arrived, but saw him next day.

Just then a Jamadar of Police, of the Dharashiv District came to Mag to arrest Patel Bawa and Yesenttia Vingurh. On the Jamedar appearing at Mag, we all absconded—I mean myself, Mogiya Mang and Dhondee. With us there were about thirty persons of Mag and Deogaum. We escaped in the Daken Mohe Jungles, Here we were informed by Shamrao, a Brahmin Gomasta Patel, who sent a Dhair named Pandoo to tell us the Police had arrived. So we moved our camp to Laker Wadee. While we were thus knocking about, messages used to be sent to us by Kaka, " Keep together; get others to join you. Be not afraid, the time is close at hand when the Rajah will come to power".

While we were at Laker Wadee, Vakeels Moulvi Abdulla, Sarwar Ali and Kaseerao came to our camp and persuaded me to return to Bhir. So I, Dhuria Dhair and my brother Anna accompanied the Vakils and came to Bhir, and went before the Talukdar. Kaka then sent Vithalrao's son to me, and I went to see Kaka. He said, " Why did you return? Go back at once, you fool". I paid Rs. 15 for uniform to the Kaka, but I did not get it as it was to be sent for from other places. My name was entered in the Bahee.

"The Talukdar released us on security, and told me to bring back Gunpatrao and Gangu Patel of Mag, who were my relations and who were with the dacoits. I said all right. I then went back to my village, where I remained for three or four days, and then joined the dacoits again, and was captured with them by the Contingent Troops. "

(10)

Statement of Dhuria, son of Gopalia Dhair of Mag, in custody.

"About the Hulda time of the season last year, Vithalrao Karkoon's son Rajajee, who is a Vakeel, came to Mag, and put up at Lohar Appa's Wada. Bapoorao Patel came to meet him. and after some talk Bapoorao, Rajajee and myself, with Jayram Gosai, came to Bhir, and went to the Kaka's house. I being a Dhair did not go up to where the Rajah was, but all the others went, and on their return to where I was, they all said that the Rajah told them that a new Raj was to come into power, and to get the people to rise and commit dacoities and that he would see to everyone's comforts. After this, we—I mean the Mag party I have named above—returned to Mag. Gunpatrao and Bapoorao Patels had a talk and enquiries were made for Mogiya Mang, and I was sent to bring him. I went and brought Mogiya to Mag and he went to the Mang Wada. I went to Bapoorao patel's house and reported that Mogiya had arrived."

(NOTE.—This man corroborates witness No. 3, Bapoorao, in every way.)

(11)

Statement of Mahadeosing, son of Goomasing of Chincholee, near Bir.

"About the Hulda time last year, Sripatrao, Kaka's son, came to Chicholee, my village, and said his father wanted to see me. So I came to Bhir, and went to Kaka's house. Kaka introduced me to the Maharaj (Baba). A goldsmith was then working at a silver plate, and the Rajah was busy with his dumb-bells. The goldsmith's name is Narayan of Bhir. The Rajah said nothing to me. I noticed one Vasudeo Dhotaker Vakeel was there with the Rajah. After a little, I left and next day I went again to Kaka's house, where I saw Rungrao, the Moharrir of the Ameen's Kutchery. He went away and then Bapoorao Kased Vakeel came and began to talk with the Rajah, and when Rungrao Kallia Karkoon came, I left.

Next day Sripatrao came to call me. I went to Kaka's house. The Rajah then left the Madee he was in and came to another Madee and I met him there alone. The Rajah asked me all about my caste, and where I lived in Hindoostan, and how I gained my living. After some further talk the Rajah said, "The time is now come when your luck will change ("Naseeb Khul Jayga") and then asked me would I join in a religious war. I said I was alone. He said, "Have you any people in your country (Hindoostan), who would assist you?" I said, "yes." He then said, "You must go to Hindoostan, and bring 10,000 men. I will give a Karkoon with you." This meeting then broke up. I met Kaka, who said, "Have you seen the Maharaj?" I said, "Yes." He said, "Obey his orders." I then went home. I did not go near Kaka's for two or three days. So Sripatrao was sent to call me and I came to Kaka's, where I met the Rajah. The question of sending for men from Hindoostan was again spoken of. One Vasudeorao Dhotakar who was then present, was told off as my Karkoon. I asked him if he would come and he said yes. This matter was then dropped.

One day Dhondee and 7 or 8 others of Deogaum arrived at Kaka's house and were put up in his yard. I do not know what took place between Dhondee, the Rajah and Kaka but Dhondee's party left. Then Suddiya Mang came to Kaka's house. He was alone and Etilsing used to feed him. During this time the following Vakeels, etc., used to visit the Rajah:—

1. Bapoorao Kased Vakeel.

2. Govindrao Chapulkar Vakeel.

3. Narayanrao Karkoon of the 2nd Talukdar's Kutchery, and two or three other Brahmins used to come with Narayanrao.

4. Damodar, Kulkarni of Gunpateeka Peepree, but who lives in Bir.

5. Dajee Munsubdar.

6. Kishenrao Vakeel.

7. Vithalrao Karkoon.

8. Dhano Bundala Buih. He was given order to have supplies ready, and many other Brahmins of. Bir used to visit the Rajah. I also noticed the Brahmin Karkoon, who is in the Sikh force, coming to the Rajah's.

The chief supporters of the Rajah were:—

1. Rungrao Kowlia Karkoon.

2. Vithalrao Karkoon.

3. Bapoorao Kased Vakeel.

4. Govindrao Chapulkar Vakeel.

5. Wasudeo Datrekar Vakeel.

Bapoorao Kased gave a blunderbuss to Etilsing and it was given to Dhondee. Ammunition was supplied by Kaka.

(12)

Statement of Aba, son of Heerajee Andlia of Deogaum, in custody.

Speaks to being Dhondee in hiding at Bir, and supplied with food from Kaka's house, and going from Bir to Mag with Dhondee and being with the gang, who assembled to commit the Sirsi Dacoity in British Territory, etc., etc.

(13)

Statement of Bowdev, son of Dhondebutt Bheem of Mag.

"About the Hulda time last year two Brahmins came to Mag and were put up at Bapoorao's new Wada. I was ordered to get dinner ready for them and was supplied by Bapoorao's people with the usual articles, such as Ghee, Ata. Dal, etc., etc. I cooked the dinner and then two Brahmins ate it. I do not know their names but can recognise them."

(14)

Statement of Appa, son of Byroo Lohar of Mag.

"About the Hulda time last year I remember two Brahmin putting up in my Wada. They had two ponies with them They went into the village to take their food. Bapoorao Patel met these two Brahmins. Jayaram Gosai, Gunpatrao Patel and others also came there."

(15)

Statement of Shahjee, son of Heerajee Mang of Mag.

" Two Brahmins came to Mag last year about the Hulda time They were mounted on ponies. After having their food, they went to Bapoorao Patel's Mulla, where they had some sugar cane juice. Mogya Mang was at the Mulla and met them, and they had a talk. I did not hear what was said. I know one of these Brahmins. His name is Kaka of Bir. The other Brahmin, I do not know who he was. After having a chat with Mogiya, they left Mag, going towards the Dewlia Road. Gunpatrao patel of Mag went with the two Brahmins. He was also mounted on a horse. One of the two Brahmins, I think, was Kaka. He was mounted on a pony belonging to Bapoorao Patail.

About fifteen days after this Gunpatrao returned alone to Mag.

I know Gunpatrao Vakeel and Kaka, as they often came to Mag, and put up at Appa Lohar's house."

(16)

Statement of Jayah, son of Sreeram Dher of Mag.

"About the Hulda time last year, I remember two Brahmins coming to Mag. They were both mounted on horses. I was too busy looking after their horses to notice anything particular. They went to Bapoorao's Mulla, and after having some sugarcane juice left. They met Mogia Mang at the Mulla. I did not see them start, but I know that Gunpatrao Patel returned after about 8 or 15 days after these Brahmins left. The Brahmins' horses were tied up in Bapoorao's Wada."

(17)

Statement of Pandoo, son of Hanmantia Vingurh of Deogaum, in custody.

"About fifteen days before the Contingent Troops attacked the dacoits at Laker Wadee, I and Kustna, son of Mahdoo Vingurh, were sent from Deogaum by Dhondee and Jaywentia to Bir to Kaka's. We were asked to see Kaka and bring word back. So we started from Deogaum and came to Kaka's house. We found he was not at home. Here we met a Brahmin, thirty years of age, with heavy moustache, rather fair. This man asked us who we were. We said we were sent by Dhondee and Jaywentia to get news from Kaka. This Brahmin then handed me a small box, which he directed to be given to Dhondee, and to tell Dhondee that Kaka had gone to some village.

We started for Deogaum, where we were stopped by a Police Sowar, who asked us who we were. We said we were of Deogaum, upon which the Sowar searched us and the small box was taken from me. This occurred near the village Borekadee. The Sowar took us to Hura, where the packet was opened and found to contain gun-caps. There a 'Punchnama' was held and then the Sowar took us to Mag, where an Ameen Saheb and several Police were present. They brought us to Bir. The day Dhondee sent us to Bir, that the unfortunate Dak runner, whose name is Mohiuddin, he was at Guppawadee, in the jungles a place near the village of Eda. He had about thirty persons with him, who were more or less armed. When we left Deogaum it was four days after the Holi festival of last year."

NOTE.—From information given by Jaivantia and Dhondi it is evident that these two men Pandu and Kustana were sent to the Kaka's at Bir four or five days after the Karaoopla dacoity. So this must be about the end of March or the beginning of April 1899, as the Karaoopla dacoity took place on 25th March 1899.

(18)

Statement of Javantia, son of Shajee of Dewgaon, in custody.

"I am in custody for being concerned with Dhondi in the late dacoities, which have taken place in this District. The Baba and Kaka were the chief persons who led us on to commit these crimes. Meetings were held in Kaka's house to which the following persons came, and the question of the Brahmanical Raj being about to come into power was discussed and explained to us:—

(1) Vithalrao Karkun.

(2) Bapu Kasid Vakil.

(3) Kashirao Vakil.

(4) Punderinath Vakil.

(5) Rungrao Kowlia, a government servant employed at Bir.

(6) Rungrao Moharrir, Amin's Kacheri, Bir.

(7) Bowrao, employed in the Mothmim's office.

(8) Gunpatrao, son of No. 1, Vakil.

(9) The Sawari Peshkar. I do not know his name but he is employed in the Sowi Theshildar's Kacheri.

When Dhondi and myself were encamped in the jungles of the village of Supavadi, we sent Pandu (witness No. 11) and Kushna to Bir to Kaka's for some caps and to bring news. They were both arrested and never returned to us. I saw with our eyes Goldsmith Narayan at Kaka's making or rather engraving on breast plates of silver. The Baba used to assist the goldsmith. In the middle of the plate there was a figure of a head of a lynx and a bird. The Baba said the lynx represented the present Government and the bird represented the Brahminical Government, which would eat the lynx up. The figure of the bird was placed over the head of the lynx, as is shown on the flag I gave up to Mr. Stephenson at Deogaum. There was something written on these plates in Sanskrit, as is on the flag I gave up. The Baba told me that when I met anyone who said he belonged to his (the Baba's) party, I was first to ask him what the meaning of the word 'phareb' was, and if he replied the meaning was a lynx and a bird, then I was to conclude that that person belonged to his party.

Note.—The pass word of Baba was no doubt " Phareb ".

All the plunder in the Wasee, Ooplee and Natia dacoities was handed up to the Kaka and the Baba at Bir by myself and Dhondee.

It was by the orders given by Kaka and Baba that Suddiya Mang and the other Mang with him were murdered and burnt, as I have stated in my confession. The pony which Suddiya had with him was also destroyed by Yeknathia Mang, under instructions received.

The Kaka had an account book, "Bahee" in which all monies received were entered, and all accounts due, that is to say when (a) paid for his uniform, the amount paid was entered in this book and if (b) promised to pay, his name was entered in this book. Myself and Dhondee paid Rs. 75 for uniforms for 5 of his gang. This amount is entered in this book. This book was kept by Bapoo Kasad Vakeel of Bir.

I was informed that one day the Baba and one Govindrao, a "Bhanjah" of Kaka's, went to the Khajana Bagh to bathe. They met the Ningoor Dak runner coming to Bhir with the Dak bags. The runner asked the Baba who he was upon which he kicked him down and beat him. This information, I received from Govindrao, but I cannot say whether it is correct. Enquiry will clear this up.

The Baba had a lot of patterns of cloth (Khakee). These he used to show us and remark. "This is the best colour to make uniforms." (Note: The information, regarding the Baba beating the Dak runner, is correct, as I find a Misal of a case in the Mohtamim's office, No. 4 of 1308 F. The offence occurred on the 11th January '99. It is to be regretted that the unfortunate Dak runner, whose name is Mohiuddin, was sentenced to pay a fine of Rs. 20 for making a false complaint.)

The Kaka gave me one sword and one gun, as also the three spear-heads I gave up to Mr. Stephenson at Deogaum. The Baba used to go to Khajana Bagh, which is about 2 or 2½ miles from here, every day to bathe. He used sometimes to go on horse-back, but generally on foot. Kaka, Vithalrao, and Kaka's male relations used to sometimes accompany him."

(19)

Statement of Asunath Yeknath, Constable, Bir Police.

"I am Brahmin by caste and am now six years in the service as a constable. My house is quite close to that of Sivarao Kaka's. The baba paid two visits to Bhir. One about a year ago, and the other about five or six months ago. He used to put up with the Kaka. When the Baba came meetings used to be held at Kaka's house. The following persons used to come there:—

1. Dhondee, now in custody.

2. Bapoorao, now in custody.

3. Vithalrao Karkoon.

4. Dattu Pant Vakeel.

5. Bapoo Kasad Vakeel.

6. Keshavrao Vakeel.

The late Taluqdar took my statement regarding the Brahmini cal intrigues at Bhir.

Several others used to come to Kaka's during the time the Babe was there. The Baba, Keshavrao Vakeel and Kaka used to go for miles, mounted on ponies. The Baba used to leave Bir for months together and then return again. Kaka was the Baba's great friend and assistant."

Q.—Why did you repeat the fact of these meetings taking place to the Mohtamim?

A.—I repeated this to the Mohtamim, about a month before the dacoits were attacked by the Contingent. He said all right, and told me to work up the information, but no action was taken.

(20)

Statement of Yeknathia, son of Maloo Mang of Deogaum, in custody.

''Dhondee ordered me to destroy Suddiya Mang's pony. So myself Suria Dhair's (who is now in custody) brother Jania took the animal into the jungles, and cut its trunk. At first I refused to do this. But Dhondee said, "What are you afraid of? Suddiya has been polished off." I heard a rumour that Suddiya had been murdered by Mogiya and Jevantia. But I knew nothing of the facts of the case."

(21)

Statement of Claudia, son of Rama Dhair of Deogaum, in custody.

"I came to Bhir about ten or twelve times, being sent by Dhondee to Kaka. I took letters from Dhondee to Kaka four or five times, and was often sent to find out if the Rajah had arrived at Bhir. This was at the Hulda season of the year, last year. Kaka used to answer Dhondee's letters which I used to give to Dhondee at Deogaum. When I used to go to the Kaka's house I often saw a number of Brahmins assembled there. Among them I could recognise the following persons:—

1. Vithalrao Karkoon.

2. Rungrao Kowlia Vakeel.

3. Bapoorao Kased Vakeel.

I did not go up the Madee, being a Dhair, but could not see from below the persons, who were assembled in the Madee. I saw the Baba several times at Kaka's house, and can recognise him. I remember coming to Bhir with the following persons with Dhondee, this was in the cold season, when the Bajree fields were being reaped: (1) Dhondee, (2) Dhondee Tailee, (3) Abdool, (4) Sewria Dhair, one of the dacoits who have absconded and (5} Aba Andlia.

The reason of Dhondee taking all these persons with him was that we said we wanted to see the Raja with our own eyes, before we would take to plundering.

We all put up in Kaka's Wada and were fed by him. A Mahomedan Camelman of the Kaka's named Ameer Khan used to cook my food, the Ata and Dal being supplied by Kaka. When we arrived at Bir, all the Hindoos, I mean Dhondee and others, were put up in Kaka's Madee, and we Dhairs, I mean myself and No. 4 were put up in a shed, where Kaka had a Karkhana. The day after we arrived we were all taken before the Rajah, who was then in another Madee. The Kaka and Rajah were there. We were introduced by the Kaka. The conversation was all about wanting money to pay the Risalla, and the Rajah and Kaka said 'commit dacoity, and get together money'. After some more talking, in which the Rajah said that his Raj would soon come into power, and he would give employment to every one of those, who collected plunder and brought it to him. We remained two days at the Kaka's and then returned to Deogaum and commenced operations by committing the Natia dacoity. All the plunder in this case was taken to Bir by Etilsing and Dhondee. The dacoits, who numbered about 30 only got a few Rupees each in cash. The Rajah and Kaka told us they had got the Amba Risalla on their side, and that if they ever came, they would not use ball ammunition. If the Camel-man Ameer Khan is asked he will be able to say where he went to on account of the Rajah, as he used to be sent by the Kaka on missions all over the country, on account of the Rajah. All the plunder in the Oopla dacoity was taken to Bir by Etilsing and Jawenta. The dacoits, who were about 25 in number only got a few rupees each in cash."

(22)

Statement of Dhondee Tailee, son of Parappa of Deogaum, in custody.

" I remember coming to Bir, with the following persons, about the time the Bajree was being reaped last year:—1. Dondee, 2. Chudia Dhair, 3. Suria Dhair, 4. Aba Andlia and 5. Abdoola.

The reason of our coming to Bir was that when Dhondee told us a new Raj was going to come into power, we expressed how this could take place when the Sirkar had such a number of Police and others in its employ. Dhondee said, " All right, come to Bir and see for yourselves". So we came. (Note.—This witness corroborates No. 15 in every way and adds that he met Gunpatrao of Mag at Kaka's, the day after they arrived at Bir as above described, and that Gunpatrao Patel told Dhondee in his presence that the Kaka and Rajah had ordered them to commit a dacoity at Sirsi in British Territory, and that on receiving this order Dhondee, Ganpatrao and all those who came from Deogaum started for Sirsi from Bir, and that they met the Mag gang about ten miles from that place, etc., etc.).

Q.—Did you hear the Kaka and Rajah tell Gunpatrao Patel to commit the Sirsi dacoity?

A.—Yes. These orders were often repeated.

(23)

Statement of Byramjee Eduljee, Overseer, Local Fund, Bir.

"About the commencement of the Bir disturbances my brother Rustomjee, Ameen, Customs Department, Papta Yermalla, district Nuldroog, sent me two old rifles to sell. I tried to sell them but did not succeed. About a day or two after the rifles arrived, one Dattia Vaman Vakeel came to me and asked me about the rifles and took them away, keeping them two or three days with him, after which he returned them saying they were too expensive. Vakeel Keshav Rao and Balvanrao came to my house enquiring after the rifles. I was too busy and so could not show them to him. The day the rifles were seized Keshavrao again came and my father showed them to him, but the price did not suit the Vakeels. So, they went away. " (Note.—There is little doubt that these Vakeels wanted to get a hold of these weapons to arm their friends, the dacoits; the so-called soldiers of the intriguing Baba.)

(24)

Statement of Bapoorao Narsimva of Papen, District Nuldroog.

"I met one Rungrao, a Brahmin, who is employed in the Customs Department at Hyderabad. He told me that a person named Raosaheb had arrived at Aurangabad, and asked me if I would come with him to visit that person. I said all right. We, I mean myself and Rungrao and Kishenrao, who is a clerk in the Court-of-Wards at Hyderabad, all came to Kullum. Kishenrao went to village Kowta and myself and Rungrao, with Dajee, the Tamba Deshpandia, came to Aurangabad. We went to one Govindrao Potedar's house (he is a Government servant). We also met Bow Punchee, Peshkar of the Bir Tahsil and from there went to the place where the Rajah (Raosaheb) was putting up. There were three Carnatic Brahmins with him, who went by the names of Anna, Appa and Govindrao. (These names must be false.) On seeing us the Raosaheb asked Rungrao, the Customs clerk, what arrangements had been made. After some talk it was arranged that Dajee should get together 2,000 armed men, and the Raosaheb was to give Rs. 10,000 to Dajee. The Raosaheb could not pay the 10,000. So we came on to Bir, bringing a letter from the Baba to Kaka, for twenty guns and twenty swords. On arriving at Bir the Kaka only gave us three guns and one blunderbuss. We went to Deogaum, met Dhondee, and after some talk with him we went to Tamba. On our way we met Shajee Dhondee's brother.

After some knocking about, I went to my village Pooplee, where I met one Venkatrao. who was an agent of the Baba. He accompanied me and we came again to Kullum and from there we went to Tamba, and then to Deogaum, met Shajee and Dhondee, and then came to Bir and saw the Kaka. He said the Baba was at Aurangabad. So I went to Aurangabad, where I met the Baba. Venkatrao accompanied me. I had a talk with the Baba. He asked me if Dajee had got together men. I said 'Yes' as I wanted to get money out of the Baba.

After some more talk, I came along to Bir. Venkatrao remained with the Baba at Aurangabad. Just as I was starting from Aurangabad, the Baba gave me three boxes of gun-caps, which he directed to be given to Dhondee. On arriving at Bir, I went to see the Kaka and told him the Baba was coming to Bir very soon. I then went to Deogaum with Shajee, whom I met at Kaka's and I handed the three boxes of caps to Dhondee at Deogaum, from where I went to Tamba and then to my village ". (Note.—I have taken the above just to make up the file of the record of the evidence against the Brahmins. This man's full statement I have sent on to the Inspector-General of Police.)

(25)

Statement of Ameer Khan, son of Hussain Khan

"I was employed by Siwrao Kaka at his Karkhana, and used to assist Ramchunder and Marutee blacksmith, who used to work at the Karkhana. About the last Divalee, I was put in charge of a camel, which belonged to a company in which Kaka was a partner. I remember one day about the Hulda season of the year I was given a letter by Gungadhar Vakeel to be taken to Purlee to be given to Kaka, who had gone there. I took the letter to Purlee, when I found the Kaka was not there. So I took it on to Amba, where I found the Kaka. He was putting up at a Brahmin's house near a temple near the Killah. After taking the letter, the Kaka said, " Go, I will come to Bir soon. " I know of a Baba who was putting up at Kaka's. He used to often leave Bir and return again. I took to Aurangabad this Baba's leather bag and some oranges, which he (the Baba) gave me while he was putting up at the Kaka's. I gave these things to the Baba's People who were putting up in a house near the Suparee Hanuman. The Baba gave me a letter, which I showed to the people and they directed me to the house. After I had given the packet to the Baba's people, I went to a smith's house in the Chowree. and gave him a letter the Kaka had given me, and this smith gave me 25 spear bamboos. I brought them to Kaka's house and they were taken into the house.

Dhondee, Chudia Dhair and another Mahdeo, who was with Dhondee. used to come to the Kaka's. The Dhair used to be put up in Kaka's Karkhana. and Dhondee and other Hindoos used the go into Kaka's house. I saw Shajee, Dhondee's brother, at the Kaka's once or twice."

(26)

Statement of Narayan, son of Bapoo Goldsmith of Bir.

"Kaka told me he had some work for me. This was about the Hulda time of the season last year. I went to his house. He took me up to his Madee. There I was introduced to a Baba who was fair and had a beard. He drew a figure on a piece of paper, which represented a lynx and a bird. The bird was on the lynx's head. I was asked to make a "Sacha" (mould), I got some "Kasa" (white metal) and made a plate. The Baba said he wanted a thicker plate. So I made a thicker plate. On this the Baba drew the figure of a lynx and a bird, and I began to engrave on the plate. The Baba was not satisfied with the way I worked, so he began to engrave himself, as he had engraving instruments...."

(27)

Statement of Gunpatrao, son of Pateel Bawa of Mag.

"I am Police and Mulkee Patel (Goomasta) of Burengaum, District Bir. About the Hulda time last year, Gopalsing, Kaka's servant, came to Mag. He said that Kaka and the Baba had sent for Bapoorao. So I, Bapoorao and Jayaram Gosai of Mag with Gopalsing came to Bir, and went to Kaka's house. We went up to the Madee, where Kaka, Pundarinath Vakeel, Govindrao, Bapoo Kased, Vithalrao, Keshavrao Vakeel were all assembled. The Baba said the Hindoo Raj will soon come into power—in one year or six months. All the Vakeels and those I have named above corroborated this. The Baba said, " Cause a Bund (rebellion). " We said we could not do this. The Vakeels then made oath that if we got into trouble, they would get us out of the business. After this we returned to our village Mag.

About a month after this, Gopalsing came again to Mag and said Vithalrao, Keshavrao and Sreerao Kaka wanted Bapoorao again at Bir. So myself, Bapoorao, Jayram Gosai and Dhuria Dhair came to Bir and went to Kaka's house. A meeting of Vakeels took place and the Baba said, "Go ahead and commit dacoity". We went back to Mag. Next day, Kaka, Baba and Gopalsing came to Mag and had their food, which was cooked by a Bhat named Bhawdeo. After having their food, they went to Bapoorao's sugar-cane field, where a mill was at work. All had some juice, and Mogiya Mang was met by the Baba, who said, "This is the time to go in for dacoity." Mogiya said, "A" right. "After some more talk, the Baba. Kaka and myself started for Purlee, which is 36 miles from Mag. When we reached Purlee, we put up at Nana Saheb Desihpandia's house. We remained there for one day. The Baba asked Nana Saheb to collect men. He said all right and after some further talk we left Purlee and reached Amba which is 18 miles from Purlee. Here we put up at one Sadashivrao Vakeel's, who is, I believe, Vithalrao's brother.

Next day 7 or 8 Troopers of the Amba Risalla came to meet the Baba. They came in the evening on foot. From the way the Baba received them it was evident that they were friends of the Baba. They and the Baba went to a side-room. They all began to enquire after the Baba's health and, after about 2 hours' talk, they left. I can recognise one out of the 7 men who came with the Risalla men. His name is Heerasing. I found this out as the Baba called him Heerasing Jemadar. He is tall and well made and has a twisted beard. I think some of the hair in his beard was grey. He was about 35 or 40, had a Putka on and had boots on. Sadashiv Rao Vakeel of Amba went and brought these Risalla people to the Baba. and he will be able to name and point them out.

Next day Kaka, Baba, and Sadasbivrao Vakeel went on foot towards the Risalla. The Baba bought a saddle from the Risalla. which Kaka said the Baba had paid Rs. 80 for. The Baba used to go to the Risalla very often and once went to buy the Commanding Officer's horse but did not purchase the animal. The Vakeel Sadashivrao used to bring these Risalla people to the Baba's every evening. The general conversation used to be that the Risalla people were to be paid a certain amount of money on the understanding that they were not to act against the Baba's forces. At one of these meetings, the Baba gave Heerasing Jamadar H. S. Rs. 1,500 and two handfuls of Gold Mohurs. I should say there were over 150 Gold Mohurs. After this paper and pen were called for and something was written in Urdu. I do not know what was written but I beard Heerasing say, "I want more money." Upon this the Baba said, "All right. You will get 5.000 more." I think the paper which was written out was an agreement about the payment of the Rs. 5,000 to Heerasing.

Brahmins used to assemble at the place. The Baba was ........................................ and the Shastras used to be consulted.

I remember a camelman coming to Amba with a letter for the Kaka from Bir. No reply was given to this letter by the Kaka, who said "You go, I am coming." The camelman told me that my father had sent me word to return. So I told the Baba, "I am going to my village". He said all right. So I came back to Mag on Vithalrao's pony. It is a bay animal. Next day Phuria Dhair brought Vithalrao's pony to Bir. After remaining at Mag for some days, I joined Dhondee's gang and committed the Kara Oopla and Magchawdee dacoities. I have now the following property with me. which I have buried in the jungles of Mag:—

1 Gold Bore Mal. 2 Silver Dundolees and 1 Silver Suree.

This property was given me by Mogia Mang. I absconded after the troops attacked the dacoits, with whom I was the day they were attacked." (NOTE: The Sadashivrao Vakeel of Amba reffered to by this witness is brother of Vithalrao Karkoon of Bir so often referred to in these statements).

Q.—Why did you tell others that the Risalla people was paid Rs. 11,000?

A.—I told them that Rs. 1,500 was paid with two handfuls of Gold Mohurs and that Rs. 10,000 was promised them by the Kaka and the Baba.

Mr. A. C. Hankin reported that Baba seems to have attracted the sympathy of the Brahmin population consisting of official and non-officials to his cause and urged strong action to be taken against them, and the posting of punitive police in Bhir. The following correspondence bears on this subject: —

(1)

"No. L/1,

Dated 5th July, 1899.

The Secretary to Government,
Police and Judicial and General Department,
Hyderabad-Dn.

Sir,

I have the honour to forward herewith a copy of a report received from Mr. Stephenson which is very full and interesting and leaves little for me to add. I am doing all in my power to try and trace the Baba, and when we get him I hope the whole truth will come out. Meanwhile, Mr. Stephenson and Khyrath Hussain are picking up all the threads and arresting those who gave assistance and joined the Baba.
It is chiefly with the latter part of the report that I have to deal with, and I trust that Government will give my remarks that attention which it deserves. Two and a half years ago I issued a circular that more Hindus should be enlisted in the police than there were now. My object was misunderstood, and a hue and cry was raised that I was against the Mahomedans. Perhaps now it will be seen that what I did or rather wanted to do was in the interest of the Mahomedan State that I am serving. This particular case shows how completely right I was in my surmise, viz., that with a Hindu population a wholly Mahomedan force is utterly out of touch and quite unable to cope with intrigues. Here, the Brahmins were intriguing under the very nose of the District authorities who from the Talukdar downwards were ignorant of what was going on; is it not natural that it should be so? Could this state of things have existed had we even a sprinkling of Hindus amongst the officers? I have noticed throughout my tour what a wide gulf there is between the two, and it behoves Government to reconsider my suggestion in the interest of the State. Enough on that point.

My belief is that at this present moment there are many Babas or so called Rajahs on the war path going about in Native States seeing what damage they can do by stirring up illfeeling they may have no other object in view than loot and plunder for themselves, but. that they can find fools to believe that the Government power can easily be overthrown is fully borne out by the Bhil rising last year and the Bir affair this year. In both instances, the village people seemed quite ready to believe that the Government power was in the wane.

With reference to the remarks about the police behaviour all I can say is that if the head of the district was too timid to act we cannot expect much from the subordinates. Personally, had I been the Mohtamim I would have risked dismissal rather than bide by the funky policy of the District Magistrate. Anything more weak and childlike than sending Vakeels to treat with dacoits and give them purwanas I have seldom heard of: but it is characteristic of the Bir policy throughout. I consider that Muhomed Azam showed a great want of pluck in not protesting against action; but as he was a new man, only officiating, and not much in favour, he probably thought that discretion was the better part of valour, and meekly bowed to his superior officers' advice. No one can deny the fact that the greatest credit is due to the Mohtamim for locating this gang; for it was his first enquiry in the two first dacoities that revealed the fact of who these dacoits were and his reports to the Talukdar were full and clear, still I cannot forgive him for his weak action.

Another reason for the police being so unfit to cope with a big business like this is that the majority of men are locally enlisted and it is to their interest to keep in hand and glove with the people of all kinds. If transferred to other Districts they refuse to go point blank and resign; where else does this state of things exist? Carrying out orders is not understood here: each and every man must do what he likes best and what suits him best.

Para. 42 of Mr. Stephenson's report has my attention.

I think it was a great pity that the Talukdar's and Mr. Ahmed Khan's request for calling out the contingent was complied with reference to me. It cast an unnecessary slur on the police; however, as far as the dacoits were concerned it was well for them, for had the police and Rohillas got at them I fancy the number killed would have been doubled.

I agree with all that Mr. Stephenson says in para. 44 of his report. Of course it rests with Government to comply or otherwise; but it is perfectly clear that the majority of Brahmin officials were in sympathy with the movement. Why did none of these officials warn the authorities? If Government are unable to transfer the lot, some punishment, such as 6 months' pay should be stopped, and the reason pointed in the Jareeda, so that their disloyalty to Government may be made public.

In conclusion I beg that Government will listen to me in this case and place punitive police at Bir at once and two complete chowkis for two years. It is a right and just punishment for the people of the Headquarters of the District, who can be so disloyal as to allow a thing of this kind to go on, and not warn the authorities. The Government of Bombay put punitive police in Poona, the Madras Government have put punitive police Tinnevelly and it behoves our Government to uphold its prestige and insist on its subjects being loyal. Had the Bir business not been nipped in the bud there is no knowing how far it might have spread; in fact, Aurangabad and Parbhani did attempt to follow suit. The Punitive Police will teach the Vakeels. many of whom were in sympathy with this movement. No time should be lost.

I have the honour to be,
Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

(Sd.) A. C. HANKIN,
I.G.P.

(2)

(SEAL OF HYDERABAD GOVERNMENT)

"Very Confidential.

Office of the Inspector-General of Police
Hyderabad-Deccan
18th June, '99.

My dear Aziz Mirza,

Mr. Stephenson writes from Bir that the Brahmin element is more mixed up in that business than he at first suspected and suggests a general scattering of the Brahmin officials in Aurangabad and Bir and in that opinion I think Government should agree; but it should be most confidentially done through Mr. Dunlop so as not to rouse suspicion. This matter should be kept most confidential.

Yours Sincerely,

(Sd.) A. C. HANKIN.

(3)

" Replied that the papers were laid before His Excellency the Minister and also shown to Mr. Dunlop. But before taking any steps about the transfer of the Brahmin officials from the Districts of Aurangabad and Bir, the Government would like to have a list of officials suspected to have been involved in the Bir affair His letter to the address of the First Assistant No. W Confidential dated 22nd June, 1899, was also returned.

(Sd.) MD. AZIZ MIRZA.
27-6-'99."

(4)

" Sir,

In continuation of my letter No. U/l, dated 9th Inst., I have the honour to forward herewith copy of Mr. Stephenson's D.O. No. 41 dated 4th Inst. together with copies of its enclosures, viz., 21 statements, and to request that early orders may be passed regarding the Brahmins suspected of intriguing with the Baba.

I have the honour to be,
Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

(Sd.) A. C. HANKIN,
I.G.P."

(5)

Bir,
4th July'99.

"No. 41.

Dear Mr. Hankin,

I have in my No. 39A of yesterday's date disposed of the case of the official Brahmins of Bir.

I will now touch on the conduct of the non-official Brahmins.

2. I attach 21 statements I have taken which speak for them selves and show how matters stand.

3. A reference to appendix (a) attached to this report will show you the particular parts of the statements which bear on the case.

4. It may be argued that nearly all the persons who have given their evidence in the attached statements are accused in the custody of the Police, but I submit that in cases like this the evidence of co-conciliators is the only evidence procurable, as it is a well-known fact that Brahmins seldom if ever preach against each other.

5. You are already in possession of the fact of the Baba remaining at Bir for a long time and his holding meetings, getting together armed men and arms and ammunition, and there is abundance of evidence that his intentions were (however so suicidal) of a highly criminal type and that this Baba and his chief agent, the Kaka, were the sole cause of all the recent crime and general unrest in this District.

6. All these intrigues were hatched and brought into existence in Kaka's house which was frequented by every Brahmin in Bir, both official and non-official, and much criminal correspondence was received and despatched from time to time from this Brahmin's residence. All these facts were well known to these threaded intriguers who more or less assisted each other in spreading the Baba's doctrines throughout the Bir and Aurangabad Districts, and if the truth were known, to many other places in the State.

7. The action of the Bir Brahmins verges on abetment of dacoity and if I could only get together a few missing links in the chain of evidence against them I would not hesitate a moment to put them on their trial, but when I have to contend with the whole Brahminical population of Bir exerting themselves to their utmost to suppress any evidence which may be forthcoming I feel there is not a ray of hope of ever being able to get this evidence together.

8. There is another matter in connection with this case which I would have referred to in this report, but as it is a very serious one and has a military aspect about it I refrain from touching on it, particularly so as you are already aware of what I refer to above.

9. From the facts I have touched on in the above paras of this letter I do not think I am wrong in suggesting:—

1st that a punitive Police force be quartered at Bir for the space of three years consisting of one Jamedar, Daffadar and 12 men, and this force be placed in the Dhondee Purah of the town of Bir where all the Brahmins mostly live and the cost of maintaining this force to be assessed from the Brahmin inhabitants of Bir, no other castes being made to contribute. There were 322 houses in which Brahmins live in Bir.

2nd that the sannads of all the Brahmin Vakeels of Bir be suspended for 2 years.

3rd that the names of all Brahmins be removed from the local Fund and Municipal Committees of Bir.

10. The above may be considered harsh measures, but when the conduct of these Brahmins is taken into consideration conduct, I may add, which has caused much misery and led men into crime for which they will have to suffer long terms of imprisonment, men, I may add, who with a very few exceptions were honest cultivators and peaceful ryots, and further that these Brahmin intriguers have been the cause of nearly a lakh of rupees of property having been plundered and several un- fortunate misguided persons being killed and severely wounded. being maimed for life, all this being the outcome of the Bir Brahmanical intrigues. I fail to see the severity of the measures I have suggested and have only to add in conclusion that a severe lesson should be taught to these Brahmanical intriguers whom I may style the end of the evidence against the Brahmins etc. of Bir and other places, who are mixed up with the Baba's intrigues ".

No action was taken against the persons about whom the Inspector-General of Police reported, yet a close watch was kept on them for a number of years. Thus ended the insurrection of Baba Saheb. He was heard of at Amravati in Madhya Pradesh in 1902 and no trace of his whereabouts could be found after that date. The insurrection inspired by him in Bhir and Aurangabad was a notable episode in the State of Hyderabad in the closing year of the 19th century [The account of the conspiracy of Rang Rao is based on the information available from the History of the Freedom Movement in Hyderabad, Volumes II and III.] "

In 1901 Maharaja Sir Kisen Prasad Bahadur, the Peskar, was appointed minister.

In November, 1902, the Assigned Districts of Berar were leased in perpetuity to the British Government at an annual rental of 25 lakhs, a most important event in the history of the State.

The Nizam Mahabub Ali Khan died in the year 1911. He was succeeded by Mir Usman Ali Khan on 29th August 1911.

In the matter of administration, the Nizam State witnessed considerable progress during the reign of Mir Usman Ali Khan. Hitherto the administration of the State was carried through the Madar-ul-Maham who was akin to the chief minister of the Moghal period. But on November 17, 1919, this system was replaced by an Executive Council under a President. The chief minister was hence forward designated as the President of the Executive Council of Hyderabad. Reforms were effected in practically every branch of the administration. The judiciary was separated from the executive and the administration of justice was placed on sound and efficient lines. In the field of education, the Usmania University was established in 1917, while intermediate colleges started functioning at divisional headquarters from 1927. The Qazipeth-Ballarshah route and the railway line connecting Bidar and Parah were opened. Meanwhile public awakening was making itself felt in the State. From the time of Salarjung I (1853-1883), educated elements from all parts of India had been encouraged to enter the service of the State. The establishment of educational institutions in the city of Hyderabad both under Government and private encouragement had resulted in a growing number of educated persons. The tendency of well-to-do people in the State to send their children for higher education to places like Aligad, Poona, Bombay, Madras and to foreign countries had also borne fruit in the establishment of a progressive educational element in the State.

In the last decades of the 19th Century, the educated section in the State began to take interest in public affairs. Among the leaders of public opinion were Mulla Abdul Qayum, the educationist and Aghornath Chhatopadhyaya, the father of Sarojini Naidu. A strong section of the public was also drawn towards the Indian National Congress at this time. Educational, social and cultural movements which had originated in other parts of India also spread to Hyderabad. The Ganesotsava movement, the Arya Samaj, the establishment of private schools and libraries, the starting of social conferences were some of the movements which spread rapidly in the State. Among the leaders of public opinion were Shri Keshavrav Koratkar, the leading lawyer who later rose to be the judge of the Hyderabad High Court, Shri Waman Naik, a philanthropist, Shri Madpati Hanumantrao, Pandit Taranath and Venkatrama Reddi. As a result of the activities of these leaders, a number of schools, libraries and hostels sprang up in various parts of the State. Later, these institutions were to play an increasing part in the agitation for reforms in the State.

The First World War (1914-1918) brought in its wake further public awakening. The civil disobedience movement of the Congress and the Khilafat agitation saw an unprecedented awakening of public mind in Hyderabad. The establishment of the Congress in Hyderabad in 1918 with Shri Waman Rao Naik as the Chairman of the Congress was an event of great importance. The Montague-Chelmsford Report published in 1918, became the subject of strong criticism throughout the State. Events like the Rowlett Act created a profound effect. So too the Jalianwala Baug tragedy of the year 1919. The government tried to suppress the agitation for reforms. From the beginning of the 20th century a number of public workers had had to leave the State. Pandit S. D. Satavalekar, D. A. Tuljapurkar, Pandit Taranath, Raghavendra Sharma were some of the public workers who had to leave the State on account of activities not to the liking of the government. The movement to have regional conferences for Marathavada, Telangana and Karnatak also started in the twenties. Public education focussed its attention on the lack of service opportunity for the majority community of the State since about 90 % of the services in the State were held by the Muslims. Agitation also grew against the widespread corruption which prevailed in the State during this period. The result was that a strong British element was introduced in the administration of the State. Partly this was also the effect of the persistent efforts of the Nizam to get back the possession of Berar and to acquire the status of equality with the Government of India.

With the rapidly rising number of educated youth and the struggle for a place in the services, communal agitation began to make itself felt. This took the shape of the mulki and non-mulki agitation and also the struggle between the major communities of the State. While the Hindu community was moving towards reforms in the State, the leaders who influenced the Muslim community began to think in terms of consolidating the privileges already enjoyed by the community. While the government could not prevent the march of public opinion, it was not very keen to see the development of the Congress movement in the State. Under these circumstances communal movements found a ready field in the State. The rise of the Ittehdd-ul-Musalmin and its militant wing, the Razakars under the leadership first of Bahadur Yar Jung, a Jahagirdar and then of Kasim Razvi was a feature of the period between 1930 and 1940 in the State. The establishment of the State Congress was opposed by the government and many obstructions were placed in its functioning. The Hyderabad State Congress submitted a united report to the Nizam's government making definite proposals for the inauguration of Responsible Government, and appealed to the government to rescind the ban on the formation of the State Congress and to allow it to carry on its work. But the government was adamant. There was no way left but to defy the ban. The Provisional Committee was dissolved and a Council of Action took its place. It declared on October 24th 1938 defiance of the ban. It constituted itself into a working committee with Shri Govindrao Nanal as the president. Restrictions on religious and civil liberties agitated public feelings throughout the State. They had their repercussions in other parts of India. The Satyagraha sponsored by Arya Samaj in 1939 for the removal of religious disabilities was a turning point in the history of Hyderabad. In this Satyagraha the government found itself for the first time very much on the defensive. The State Congress, too, offered, Satyagraha at this time to achieve its right of establishing itself. The Arya Samaj limited its struggle to achievement of religious liberties. The Hindu Maha Sabha broadened the issue and included other civil liberties also. The State Congress stressed the demand for responsible government. Senapati P. M. Bapat began the fight purely as a fighter against human injustice. Shrimati Padmaja Naidu and Dr. Hamid made a report to the effect that the Nizam's govern ment was ready to grant all rights if Hindus and Muslims agreed. But that was a big "if". Dr. Hamid relied on the Bahadur Yar Jung-Narsing Rao talks which subsequently came to nothing, not because the Hindus demanded any more rights but because the Muslims were opposed to the very principle of responsible government. Among the leaders of public opinion who emerged into the forefront of the struggle at this time were Shri Govindrao Nanal, the pleader from Parbhani. Digambarrao Bindu who later became home minister in the government of Hyderabad, Dr. Melkote, later minister for finance, B. Ram Krishna Rao, later Chief Minister, Shri Vinayakrao Koratkar, the son of Keshavrao Koratkar and later minister in Hyderabad government, Swami Ramanad Tirth, Phulchand Gandhi, K. V. Rangareddi and others.

In 1937, feeling that some reforms were due in the State, Government appointed a Committee under Divan Bahadur Aravamudu Ayyangar to suggest a scheme of reforms for the State. The terms of reference for the Committee were however only to suggest the setting up of a body through whom government would be in a position to ascertain the wishes of the people. The theory was that the Nizam held his power from God and that he could not surrender his sovereignty to the people. The committee suggested a very modest scheme for the setting up of an assembly of representatives of various sections of the people. Even this scheme was opposed tooth and nail by the Ittehad-ul-Musalmin and the Razakars led by Bahadur Yar Jung, who felt that it would mean a surrender or. the rights of the Muslim to the majority community. Meanwhile the second World War had broken out and no further progress in the setting up of the assembly could take place. The national movement had its repercussions in Hyderabad State as well. During this period, a large body of Congress workers had ventured upon a comprehensive plan to work out constructive programme. Vidhdyak Karya Samitis were formed but suddenly in the second week of January 1941 all leading workers were put under arrest and kept in detention for over twenty-two months. They were dubbed as "confirmed communists of a dangerous type". The "Quit India" movement of August 1942 took in its fold the State's people also. The Standing Committee of the All-India State People's Conference to which special invitees from all Indian States were called, numbering more than hundred were addressed by Mahatma Gandhi in their in-camera meeting. Mahatmaji said that they had to join hands with the freedom forces in India and had to demand from the Princes an unequivocal declaration that they had ceased to owe allegiance to the British Crown. On the 8th August 1942, Svami Ramanand Tirth wrote to Mahatmaji that owing to various trends, Hyderabad might not act with one voice. Mahatmaji in his memorable speech at the All-India Congress Committee unequivocally stated that even if there were three persons in any State, they could join the revolution. On the 9th in the small hours of the morning, Gandhiji and others were arrested.

On the arrest of Svami Ramanand Tirtha at Nampalli, Dr. G. S. Melkote addressed a letter to the Government on which he, too was arrested. The Hyderabad dominions witnessed on 9th August, spontaneous outburst and demonstrations. Students left their schools and colleges. Processions were taken, hartals were observed. Youths from the Bid district participated in these activities vigorously.

The years 1943-44 were the years of food shortage and the various schemes regarding the levy and the procurement of food-grains and their distribution were launched by the Government. In practice, they were used as instruments for exploitations by the corrupt and selfish officialdom. The work of resistance was rightfully taken by the workers of the Maharastra Conference. Repressive measures against these workers and a regular campaign of misrepresentation and calumny through the local papers was the immediate result. The 5th session of the Maharastra Conference was convened by the Bid district and Shri Manikchand Pahade of Aurangabad was elected President. On the eve of this Bid session, the government thought it fit to serve detention orders on several prominent workers including the General Secretary, Shri Govindasji Shroff and the new President-elect Shri Paahade. Later on even the permission tor holding the session was refused. It was therefore decided to hold the meeting of the newly elected Standing Committee at Aurangabad as the new President was not allowed to move out of the place and also to take the necessary decisions for carrying on the organizational activities. The Standing Committee was held on the 2nd and 3rd June of 1944.

With the arrival of the Cripps Mission in India, the Nizam entertained the plea of "Independent Hyderabad." The Mountbatten Plan, while partitioning India and transferring power to two Dominions on August 15th, 1947, did not solve the problem of the Princely States. The Maharastra Parisad had forwarded its Memorandum, suggesting that on the eve of independence, Hyderabad State should be distributed in three tracts which could be integrated with adjoining Indian territories. However, under the June 3rd Plan, the paramountcy of the British Crown over the States was withdrawn and the States were left free to accede either to India or Pakistan. When the war ended in 1945, the entire country was in the throes of the "Quit India" movement. In Hyderabad, Bahadur Yar Jung had been followed by the extremist leader Kasim Razvi. Bands of militant Razakars spread all over the State creating a great sense of insecurity among the people. As the hour of India's independence drew nearer, the rabid communal activities of the Itthad-ul-Musalmin increased in volume and violence. The State Congress fought valiantly against these elements. Meanwhile the government of Hyderabad which had till now been led by moderates like Sir Mirza Ismail had come into the hands of the Razakar supported leadership, who brought the State to a difficult position, through their spirit of adventurism.

Independence and after

India won its independence in 1947. The future of Hyderabad was now to be settled. Public opinion in Hyderabad was overwhelmingly in favour of joining the Indian Union. This was opposed by the leader of the Razakars who now controlled the government. All efforts of moderates like Sir Mirza Ismail, and Sir Sultan Ahmad to establish relations between the Indian Union and Hyderabad in consonance with the realities of the situation were opposed by the Razakars. The movement of the State Congress to force Hyderabad to join the Indian Union was strongly attacked by the communal elements. In the latter struggle, thousands went to jail and suffered strongly at the hands of the administration. Due to the activities or the Razakars hundreds of thousands of Hindus had to flee the State and take shelter in numerous camps set up by the sympathetic Indian opinion across the borders. The district of Bid too had its share of public workers who fought and suffered. Narayan Swamy, the leader of the Arya Samaj, Swami Ramanand Tirth and B. Ramakrishna Rao, Bindu and Melkote continued to conduct the resistance movement started by the State Congress from the border villages of the Union districts. Svami Ramanand Tirth was arrested a few days after he had presided over the reception given to Sri K. M. Munshi by the public at Secunderabad. The Razakars now about one hundred thousand strong, were controlling the State. The Nizam wrote to Lord Mountbatten that if the policy of the coercion hitherto followed by India was continued, the peace not only of Hyderabad but the whole of South India would be endangered. On April 6th, Razvi declared in a speech, " the day is not far off when the waves of the Bay of Bengal would be washing the feet of our sovereign."

Shri Rajagopalachari, who had succeeded Lord Mountbatten, wrote to the Nizam, by the end of August, to ban the Razakars, forthwith. On September 7th, 1948, Nehru announced in the Indian Parliament the final demands made on the Nizam, namely, banning of the Razakars and the return of the Indian troops to Secunderabad. The Nizam signed a general mobilisation order. An ultimatum was sent to him through Shri Munshi in the evening of September 12th.

In the early hours of Monday, September 13th, 1948, the Indian troops entered Hyderabad State. After a brief but brilliant police action, an end was put to the intolerable conditions prevailing in the State. Soon after, elections were held in the State and a representative government was set up. The State of Hyderabad acceded to the Indian Union. In 1953, the States Reorganisation Commission, in its tour of Marathvada, noted the special demand of the people there to incorporate all the five districts of Marathvada, which were formerly in the Hyderabad State, in the Bombay State.

On 1st November 1956 following the reorganisation of the State the district of Bid along with the other districts of Marathvada became a part of the then State of Bombay and with the creation of Maharastra in 1960, it forms part of the new State.