HISTORY

BRITISH PERIOD

 (1818-1947).

Meanwhile the last great Maratha alliance against the English was completed. The events leading to it were as under: When the treaty of Bassein was concluded Bajirav virtually surrendered his right to control the Maratha chiefs to the English. Bajirav, at the time, had not understood implications of this. As soon as he returned to Poona he expected the English to support him in his bid to exercise his authority over the Maratha chiefs. The English indirectly made separate treaties with Bhosle, Sinde, Holkar and Gaikvad and made the position very clear in the award signed at Pandharpur on 19th July 1812. Bajirav now considered it necessary to have a disciplined corps of infantry. The Governor-General granted the permission and a force was raised under Major Ford. The troubles with the English had not stopped and Bajirav expecting a war sooner or later started preparations by augmenting his forces. A dispute arose between Bajirav and Gaikvad of Baroda in regard to the payment of yearly tribute which had accumulated. Fatesinh Gaikvad sent his agent Gahgadhar Sastri to Poona to conclude a settlement with Bajirav. The Sastri arrived in Poona. in January 1814. Soon however the Sastri found that Bajirav was bent upon extracting money rather than arriving at a settlement. The events culminated in the murder of Sastri at Pandharpur on July 20, 1815. The author of the plot was Trimbakji Dengle, a henchman and adviser of Bajirav. The English forced Bajirav to surrender the rebels. Trimbakji had been confined in the fort at Thana from where he made good his escape on the evening of September 12, 1816. He rode through jungles to north Khandes and lived for some months with the wild tribes of the region. Bajirav covertly supported Trimbakji and it appeared that hostilities would again start between the English and the Marathas. In June 1817, the English imposed another treaty on Bajirav with strict terms, thus depriving him of all power and authority. Exasperated, Bajirav resorted to war with the English. On the 5th of November 1817, the Pesva declared war against the British. Twenty days later the Nagpur chief followed his example. After Yesvantrav Holkar's death his wife Tulsibai possessing more than common ability for public affairs, assumed power in the name of Malharrav, a son of Yesvantrav from another wife, then four years old, and managed with considerable ability the concerns of the Holkar State with the help of Ganpatrav and his associate Tatya Jog. Her greatest difficulty arose from want of funds, without which she could not maintain the army. Without the army she could not govern. Daulatrav Sinde, too, pounded upon the undefended possessions of the Holkar with great vehemence. In the midst of such unbearable situation, urgent calls arrived from the Pesva at Poona. for her forces to join in an anti-British drive. Malcolm gave her terms but real power had now passed from her hands into those of the Pathan leaders who controlled the soldiery, particularly Rosan Beg, who was at the head of the disciplined regiments and Ramdin who commanded the Maratha horse then considered the finest in India. They resolved to help the Pesva with an army of 26,000 men. The military chiefs believed that Tulsibai and her advisers were willing to sell them to the British and determined to baffle her design.

On the evening of the 19th December 1817, they seized the regent and the Minister. At day break on 20th, Tulsibai was beheaded, on the banks of the Sipna river at Mahidpur (about 30 miles north of Ujjain) and the insurgent generals began their southward march.

They were met, immediately, by Sir John Malcolm and Sir Thomas Hislop and were defeated on 21st December 1817. By the treaty of Mandsaur on 6th January, 1818, concluded after this defeat, all the Holkar territory south of the Satpudas including the entire province of Khandes, was ceded to the British.

Meanwhile the Pesva was defeated at Kirkee (5th November 1817) and again at Asta (19th February 1818). He was joined by his faithful friend Trimbakji with his bands of marauding troops, in his flight. Despairing of aid either from Nagpur or Sinde. the Pasva retired, after the action fought on 17th April near Sivni, between Mahur and Umarkhed. against Col. Adams, to save his life, towards Northern India. He crossed the Tapi on 5th May, hoping to find shelter at Asirgad then in Sindes' possession. The keeper of the fort Yesvantrav Lad had indeed received secret orders from his master to admit the Pesvd and offer him safety. But large parties of British forces poured upon the spot from different directions and Lad found himself unable to extend any help to Bajirav. On 31st May, Malcolm escorted by 300 men moved to a village named Kheri where the Pesva had arrived with about 2,000 horse, 800 infantry and two guns. On 1st June, Malcolm went to the Pesva's camp and fixing up some of the terms of the treaty, insisted that Bajlrav must go to the British camp within 24 hours. In addition Malcolm demanded the surrender of his minister Trimbakji Dengle. The Pesva urged that it was not, in his power to apprehend Dengle, as the latter commanded a strong force. [The Peshwa repudiated his minister and informed Malcolm that the British might deal with him as they liked.] By 10 o'clock, on the morning of 3rd June 1818, the Pesva surrendered himself. [Bajirao's military following was disbanded when he crossed the Narmada on 12th June 1818. He proceeded to the North with a retinue of 600 horsemen and 200 footmen with Ramchandrapant Subhedar and Baloba Salkade and other dependents. Lt. Low was permitted to accompany Bajirao at his request. Malcolm; Political History of India, 1521; II Appendix V, p. ccxv.]

Conquest of Khandesh.

Sir Thomas Hislop, to whom fell the duty of bringing to order the bands of Arabs and other mercenaries entered Khande's from Sindva and passed unopposed to Thalner in February 1818. But the capture of Thalner [A fort which commands a ford over the Tapi river, situated on the north bank, 83 miles west from Burhanpur. By Abul Fazal it is noticed as the capital of Adilshah, A. D. 1406. After the dissolution of the Moghal empire it came early into the possession of the Marathas, and was one of the cessions made by the Holkar family, at the Treaty of Mundenor-Hamilton, Description of Hindostan II, 10. One side of Talneir fort rises out of the Taptee and the three other sides are surrounded by a hollow way varying in width from one hundred to one hundred and fifty yards. The walls rise to the height of about sixty feet above this hollow and the interior of the fort has the same elevation. The only entrance is on the eastern side, and secured by five successive gates, communiting by intricate traverses, whose enclosures gradually rise to the height of them in wall. A winding ramp, interspersed in some places with steps, ascends through the gates to the terre-pleine of the rampart. Great native ingenuity had been exercised to render this part as strong as possible, apparently under the idea that the profit of the rest rendered it secure, notwithstanding the absence of a ditch. The ground immediately surrounding the hollow way, is cut by deep ravines, which was Brun into it, Blacker, Memoirs on Maratha War, I, 229] proved one of the bloodiest incidents in the conquest of Khande's.

" A sick officer in a palanquin was passing alone towards the new ground but was obliged to turn back by a fire of matchlocks directed at him from the walls of the place" at the same time, a gun opened with round shot on the head of the baggage entering the plain, and obliged it, likewise, to fall back. The unexpected occurrence of this hostile demonstration on the part of Thalner was announced to Sir Thomas Hislop by a spy. [It never was apprehended that this insulated place would be resisting inas-much as, Sindva, a place with much greater name or strength, had immediately surrendered on the production of Holkar's note-Blacker, Memoirs on Maratha War, I, 228.] A suirifhons was sent to the commandant and a close reconnaissance was made. The party descended into the ravines surrounding the fort and then ascended into the town, driving out a small party of the Marathas. As it was ascertained that the enemy had no guns on the western face, where there was water and comparatively clear ground on the river bank, General Hislop resolved to encamp there, and attack the place from the north-east angle. With this object two five-and-a-half-inch hovitzers with ten sixpounders, which were the only guns in the camp, were moved down the beds of the ravines. They were carried to positions in the town, where the houses gave tolerable cover to batteries which opened within 250 and 300 yards of the north-east angle of the fort. In a few hours, during which, by the well aimed fire of match-locks from the walls, several casualties had occurred, the Marathas were nearly silenced but no progress had been made in reducing the garrisons, who it was thought would surrender as soon as any serious demonstration was made against them. Further examination of the place showed that the outergate was in a ruinous state and promised cover in the traverses, while a commanding position immediately opposite to it overlooked the nearest defences. [Such in the present instance, was the injudiciousness of having the outer walls lower than those within, Blacker, o. c. I, 230.] For these reasons it was determined to attack the gates. Two guns were opened on the traverses, with considerable effect, while two others were, by a detour, brought to a position whence with the view of blowing it open, they might easily be run up to the gate. At the same time a storming party, consisting of the flank companies of His Majesty's Royal Scots and of the Madras European Regiment, under Major Gordon of the former corps, was brought down to the same place. Indifferent as the Marathas had hitherto been, the preparation against the gale did not fail to alarm them and they sent out to demand terms to capitulation. In reply they were told that unconditional surrender alone would be accepted and they were invited to avail themselves of this offer before the assault of the gates should commence. [Blacker o. c. I, 230.]

The evening was now advanced and the Marathas probably trusted to the approaching darkness for an opportunity of abandoning the place. To prevent this the guns and storming party were ordered to advance to the gate. This was done without loss. It was found that in consequence of its ruinous state there was a passage for single files between the wall and the gate frame; and no opposition being offered from within, the storming party followed by the pioneers, entered, though tediously, without difficulty. After the passage of the storming party, endeavours were made to blow open the outer gate so that the guns might be advanced to the remainder. But before that was effected, the storming party had passed through the second gate without opposition. At the third it was met by the commandant, accompanied by a number of the Bunyans whom he had forced into the fort, on the previous evening. [Blacker, o. c, I, 231; Hamilton, Description of Hindostan, II, 101.] The commandant himself gave up to the Adjutant General Lieutenant Colonel Conway. Lieutenant Colonels Conway and Murray, with several others, had entered with the storming party and it was still doubtful whether resistance would ultimately be made, for at this time, there was none. They accordingly passed through the fourth gate, which as well as the second, appeared so much out of repair as to be incapable of being shut; but at the fifth or last gate they were stopped though the wicket was opened. The Arabs within insisted on terms. A hurried conversation about the terms of surrender now took place. It was probably little intelligible under the circumstances of noise and apprehension which attended it. Colonel Murray, in this state of uncertainty, concluding that there was an urgent necessity for establishing a footing such as would secure eventual success to the attack, should the enemy hold out, entered by the wicket with Major Gordon and three grenadiers, but refrained from drawing his sword, to show that he had no intention of breaking the parleys. [Blacker, o. c. 1, 231.] He expected to be followed by as many men as should be able to maintain themselves in a confined situation, but four or five persons only had got in, when the enemy, apprehending the consequences, attacked most furiously and in a moment laid them all dead, except Colonel Murray, who covered with wounds fell towards the wicket. [ Major Gordon and Captain MacGregor, lost their lives and Colonel MacGregor was wounded severely, as also Lieutenant MacGregor and Lieutenant Chauval Hamilton, o. c:. II, 101.] Then they attempted to close the wicket but their efforts were rendered ineffectual, by a grenadier who thrust his musket into the aperture while Lieutenant Colonel Mackintosh [This officer belonging to the commissariat, accompanied the storming party like a few other staff officers, without orders. Blacker, o. c. I, 232 F. N.] and Captain MacCraith forced it open. In this state it was held while the captain with one hand was dragging Colonel Murray through it, and warding off blows with his sword in the other. A fire was now poured in through the wicket, which cleared the gateway sufficiently for the head of the storming party, under Major MacGregor of the Royals to enter; and the place was carried without further difficulty, but at the expense of that officer's life. [Two tombs, erected to the memory of the officers killed bear the following inscription: No. I, " Here lie entombed, the remains of Major R. MacGregor of H. M.'s Royal Scots, who fell in the assault and storming of this fort on the 27 February 1818 ". No. II " Here lie entombed the remains of Major J. Gordon of H. M.'s Royal Scots, who fell in the assault and storming of this fort on the 27th February 1818"] As soon as the supporting detachment could open the gate_ many troops poured in, the garrison was shortly put to the sword, and the commandant was hanged on the same evening to a tree on the flag-staff tower. [The Marathas lost about 25o killed, and the loss in British troops amounted to twenty-five. Blacker, o. c. 232; Appendix L; p. 459, Hamilton o. c. II, 101.]

From Thalner, Sir Thomas Hislop marched on Betavad. A Brahman named Daji Gopal, with about 300 followers had held Betavad and driving out the Mamlatdar levied contributions from the country round. On the surrender of Thalner, [Daji Gopal was one of trimbakji dengle's "retainers.] he left the fort. It was quietly taken by the British troops. At Betavad the force divided, the commander-in-chief marching along the Bori and General Doveton keeping to the banks of the Girna. [Blacker, Map accompanying the Memoirs, II, p. 7.] the end of March 1818 except Sultanpur, Nandurbar, Adavad and Raver, all Holkar's possessions south of the Satpudas were held by the British. Nandurbar was taken possession of in June 1818 by a detachment under Major Jardine.[Hamilton, Description of Hiiulostan, II, 101.]

Amalner fort, one of the chief posts in Khande's, nominally held for the Pesva by Madhavrav Raja Bahadur, was really in the hands of his Arab soldiers. On leaving the fort in obedience to orders, he gave the garrison strict injunction to surrender it to no one, not even to the Pesva. This order was strictly obeyed, for after the chief had succeeded in re-establishing himself in the good graces of his master, the garrison refused to admit him. They afterwards acknowledged him and he returned. But when he wished to hand over the place to the British authorities, they would not allow him to do so. After many attempts to purchase their submission had failed, they were declared rebels. A force under Colonel Huskinsson, amounting to 1,000 European foot, 800 infantry and 250 irregular horse, had marched from Maleganv. Summoned to unconditional surrender the garrison at first refused. But finding all way of escape blocked, after some delay they laid their arms outside of the fort and advancing into the bed of the river were made prisoners. The exactions of this garrison and their commandant Ali Jamadar were remembered long by the people in that area. [Blacker, o. c. I, 399-401.] The grenadiers of the 67th regiment had captured Amalner [In 1818, the fort was described as 200 feet square, surrounded on three sides by the town, and on the fourth washed by the river Bori. The wall on the riverside as well as the corner towers were lined with stone. The inside, filled nearly to the foot of the parapet, commanded the town, which was inclosed by an eight feet high wall, whose river face was likewise lined with stone. The three gates and the traverse thrown out to cover them were greatly out of repair. The place was of little importance as it was commanded by a hillock about 250 yards, off, on the opposite bank of the river, Blacker, o. c. I, 400.] on 30th November 1818. Next day Bahadurpur [This place, though it contained but a few Arabs, was of some importance, from its strength, and from its containing the residence of the chief of consequence and manufacturing of gunpowder, Blacker, o. c. I, 400.] which, in most respects was the counterpart of Amalner surrendered in the same manner to their irregular horse under Lieutenant Swanston, which were sent to demand its submission and as there was no further occasion for the force in its collected state, it was broken up. " The headquarters returned to Maleganv, for the occupation of Khandes, in which were left, of Madras corps, the 1st Battalion of the 12th, the 2nd Battalion of the 13th, and the battalion of the 14th regiments of native infantry, with the sappers and miners and some pioneers. [Blacker, o. c. I, 401.]

Earlier in April of 1818, Calisganv and three other Pesva territories were, in the British interests, taken by Mir Fast Ali_; Jahagirdar of Anturgad and Songir, and the country around surrendered to Lieu-tenant Rule. To the north-east, where large bodies of Arabs harassed the plain country, Mir Fast Ali, supported by a battalion of infantry, two field guns, and 500 horses, pressed forward and clearing the country, placed it under the charge of Lieutenant Hodges, the Assistant Political Agent. Driven from the east, the Arabs retired to the west and massed their troops in the neighbourhood of Sultanpur. To bring back the situation to order, Colonel MacGregor advanced on Sultanpur and Nandurbar, Major Innes moving from Galna to support him.

After the fall of Malegahv, a body of troops was stationed at Songir, another at Parola and a third at Dharanganv. By the first of July 1818 except some isolated spots, the whole of Khandes was in the British hands.

On the 12th February 1819, as its commandant Jasvantrav Lad was believed to have given shelter to Appa Saheb the ex-ruler of Nagpur and to the famous Pendhari chief Citu, Sir John Malcolm's force, consisting of Horse Artillery, the Third Cavalry and the First Battalion of Bombay Infantry marched against Asirgad. He encamped within five thousand yards of the fort and remained there. On being joined by the Bombay Brigade and the battering guns which had been left in the rear, he moved to a position north-west of the fort. About this time, Lieutenant General Smith was engaged in closing the passes north of Asirgad with a view to intercept the escape of fugitive Pendharis supposed to be concealed in the forests near the fort, if not within its walls. In the course of these operations he made a march of thirty-five miles and was on the point of taking Citu prisoner, when his party dispersed. Appa Saheb likewise narrowly escaped. [Blacker, o.c. 1, 412-13.]

While trying to persuade Sir John Malcolm that he meant to surrender, it was now that Jasvantrav Lad was making active preparations for defence. Accordingly, as soon as reinforcements arrived from Jalna, Maleganv and Nagpur, an attack was planned. The forces set apart for the attack on the town were ordered to meet at midnight on the 17th March and to move a short time afterwards. The column of attack commanded by Colonel Fraser of the Royal Scots consisted of five companies of that regiment, the flanked companies of His Majesty's 30th and 67th Foot, and of the Madras European Regiment five companies of the First Battalion of the 12th Madras Native Infantry and a detail of sappers and miners. The reserve under Major Dalrymple of His Majesty's 30th was composed of the companies of that regiment not employed in the column of attack, one company of the King's 67th Foot and one of Infantry from the First Battalion of the 7th Regiment, the First Battalion of the 12th and the Second Battalion of the 17th, with detachments from the 2nd and 7th Madras Native Cavalry, and four Horse Artillery guns. [The Khandesh force moved from Malegaon, on the 25th of February,; towards Amalner and. from thence detached the engineers department, detail of sappers and miners and eight companies of His Majesty's 67th foot, with a company of pioneers, all of whom joined on the 9th March-Blackers, o. c. I,, 413.

When all the detachments had joined, the besieging army under General Doveton and Sir John Malcolm amounted to 20,000 men. Hamilton, Description of Hindostan, II, 102.]

The attacking column advanced along a stream bed running parallel to the works on the south side, till arriving within convenient distance of the town, they made a rush for the gate, and succeeded in gaining it. The reserve in the meantime in two parties, occupied points in the stream by which the column of attack had advanced and in another stream that ran parallel to it sufficiently near to allow of their rendering support. Sir John Malcolm had directed to distract the attention of the Marathas by operations on the northern side and the duty was performed by a force composed of the 3rd Cavalry, the Second Battalion of the 6th Regiment, Madras Native Infantry and the First Battalion of the 14th, the First Battalion of the 8th Regiment of Bombay Native Infantry, six howitzers, and two Horse Artillery guns. The town was carried very expeditiously and with small loss, [General Staff, Major Mecleod, Deputy Quarter-Master-General, wounded; H. M. Royal Scots, Lieutenant James Eland, wounded, one private killed, eleven privates wounded; one from Lascars or Deoley-bearers wounded-Blacker,  o. c. I, Appendix Z, p. 476.] the troops finding immediate cover in the streets. In the course of the day a battery for six light howitzers was completed in the town and directed against the lower fort. On the night of the 19th March the Marathas made a sally upon one of the British posts which was considerably advanced, but were soon repulsed. In the course of the same night a battery of eight heavy guns was completed. On the 20th at daybreak, its fire opened, and by the evening had effected a formidable breach in the lower fort, besides inflicting serious injury on some of the upper works. On that evening the Marathas made another sally into the town and gained the main street. They were repulsed but success was accompanied by the loss of Colonel Fraser who fell in the act of rallying his men. On the morning of the 21st an accidential explosion in the rear of the breaching battery proved fatal to two native officers and about a hundred men. The disaster did not extend to the batteries,.; which continued firing with good effect. In the afternoon a mortar battery was completed, and some shells were thrown from it. For several days little occurred except the erection, on the night of the 24th of another battery three hundred and fifty yards to the left of the breaching battery. Two other batteries were subsequently erected, one on the south side to breach the lower fort in second place, the other designed to silence a large gun on the north-east bastion of the upper fort. [Blacker o. c. I, pp. 415-21.] On the 29th two batteries were constructed for an attack on the east side of the fort. On the following morning the Marathas abandoned the lower fort, which was immediately occupied by the British troops. The batteries which had been solely directed against the lower fort were now disarmed, and the guns removed from the town into the place which their fire had reduced. In the situation which had been gained, the firing against the upper fort was speedily resumed from various batteries, aided by others below. This continued for several days, and so many shots had been fired that a deficiency began to be feared, and a reward was offered by the besiegers for bringing back to the camp the shot previously expended. This expedient stimulated the activity of the camp followers and succeeded in producing an abundant supply. The operations of the siege were vigorously pursued till the 5th of April, when Jasvantrav Lad expressed a wish to negotiate- [Blacker, o. c. I, 423.] Some intercourse took place, but the efforts of the besiegers so far from being slackened were increased. On the 8th Jasvantrav Lad repaired to General Doveton's headquarters to endeavour to procure terms, but in vain, and on the morning of the 9th British party took possession of the upper fort, the garrison descending into the town and grounding their match-locks in a square of British troops formed for their reception.

The Marathas lost forty-three killed and ninety-five wounded and the British eleven European officers, four native officers, and ninety-five European and two hundred and thirteen native non-commissioned rank and file killed and wounded. [Blacker, o. c. I, Appendix A, A. p. 478.]

The fall of Asirgad [Ibid, '429; Hamilton, Description of Hindostan III, 102-103.] closed the Maratha campaign of 1818-1819. His Majesty's 67th Foot marched for Amalner, to join Colonel Huskinsson's force on the 12th April 1819.[Yeshwantrao Lad was at last captured, but so impressed were the captors by his chivalry that they allowed him freedom to go home instead of putting him to death. He died in misery in 1820. A large amount of secret correspondence of Daulatrav Shinde, Appasahib Bhosle and others was discovered at Ashirgad, of which Malcolm made ample use in writing his memories.] Except Sindva, Songir, Lalihg and others in important lines of communication, which were garrisoned by armed police, most of the hill forts were dismantled. The headquarters of the regular troops were fixed at Maleganv and Captain Briggs as political agent took up his residence at the Central Station of Dhulia. [For its central position and because it was on the highroad between Poona and Khandesh.]

At this time, on account of the maintenance of a body of horse, Sinde owned the British a considerable sum. To clear off the debt and meet future charges it was arranged (1820) that Pacora, [Thirty-five miles south-east of Dhulia, on the railway line.] Yaval, [Yaval was about 1788 granted to Rav Dhar Nimbalkar by the Shinde. By the payment of Rs. 3,50,000 to Kashirav Holkar, the Nimbalkars obtained possession of neighbouring districts of Raver, Thalner and Umbar and extended their territories four miles around. Yaval stands twelve miles west of Savda and nine north-east of Bhusawal.] Copda [Hamilton describes it as a town belonging to Holkar, Description of Hindostan. II, 101. In 1820,, however, when it was handed over by Shinde it was the head of a sub-division, surrounded by country much covered with forest. In 1837, it was restored to Shinde and in 1844 again received by the British.] and twelve villages in Lohara should be made over to the British. Suryajlrav Nimbalkar, son of Rav Dhar Nimbalkar, entertained large bodies of troops known as Karnatak Sibandis. which he lent to neighbouring proprietors. In 1821, when in the possession of Suryajlrav Nimbalkar, Yaval was handed over to the British Government. For some time Yaval was the cause of considerable uneasiness and difficulty, as in the hope of recovering it, Suryajlrav Nimbalkar actively aided the Bhils and Pendharls in their raids and efforts to cause disturbance. [In 1837 Yaval was restored to Shinde, with whom it remained till 1843, when it was received back by the British Government.] Immediately after the acquisition of Khandes (1818), a detachment under Captain Briggs was stationed at Kukarmunda petty division. [Eight miles south-west of Taloda.]

Bhil Disturbances.

Active measures were taken (1818) to put a stop to the irruption of the Bhils.[Khobarekar, Ingraji Sattevirudha Maharashtrantil Sashastra Uthava (Matathi) (1818-1860), 17.

Chaudhuri, Civil Disturbances during the British rule in India ("1765-1857), 158." Anarchy and lawless oppression had reached a fearful height and murder and rapine stalked openly and unrestrainedly through the land. Fifty notorious leaders infested this once flourishing " Garden of the West" and their every command was implicitly obeyed by upwards of five thousand ruthless followers whose sole occupation was pillage and robbery, whose delight, alone consisted in the murderous foray and whose subsistence depended entirely on the fruits of their unlawful spoil" Capt. D. C. Graham, A brief Historical Sketch of the Bheel Tribes inhabiting the province of Khandesh (1843), 4.] Captain Briggs hunted out several of their leaders. [" Register of the disposal of the most formidable of the Bheel leaders". Graham gives on page 22, the details of 48 Bheel chiefs.] Troops were posted along the passes of the hills to check their movements and to cut off their supplies.[Memorandum regarding the past and present state of the force employed for the protection of Chalisgaon, Bhurgaon and Jamner Talukas-Southern Agency, Graham, o. c. 23.] These military measures together with a policy of forbearance adopted by Elphinstone, providing liberal provision for pensions and allowances for Bhil watchmen on the resumption of the police duties which were formerly discharged by them, were calculated to render the country free of this " species of invasion". Experience had shown that in dealing with these refractory tribes the most effective policy would be to govern them through their native chiefs which would attach them to the interests of the Government. This attitude was undoubtedly much favoured by Elphinstone and the scheme of raising a Bhil Militia was also an expedient course taken to make the Bhils conform to the British system. Nadir Singh, a Bhil chief of great notoriety was apprehended through the influence of his associates.

In 1818, Goomania, the Aranuddy Naik, Feghy Khan, Jawa Wassava, the Boodaval Rana, Devji Naik, Ramjee and Oochit, Bhylia and Cundoo received pensions from the British government. Goomania, though he accepted the terms, never personally visited the Political Agent. Guriga Naik having attacked a detachment of Regulars at Copda was killed in the fight. At the same time, an attempt to employ the Turfee Bhils as a Police corps failed. The British detachment marched against Kania Turvee Bhils. Dusrut sacked and destroyed a village. Malharji Desmukh, too attacked Soorungana. The Aranuddy Naiks returned their pensions and the money they had received from the British declaring that they would collect for themselves. The Thalner Pargana was plundered by the hill Bhils, whereupon Major McBean burned Kania's huts. But the ravages continued and Colonel Jardine's force had to move against them.

In 1819, the Bhils broke out in a general insurrection on all sides; the leaders holding out the different outposts of the hill area and sending out marauding parties to ravage the plains. Several detachments were employed against the rebels. Some of the outposts which provided access to their mountain strongholds were captured, but fresh leaders appeared to defend these key positions, and the jungle-war continued. Proclamations of amnesty were unheeded, not one of the tribes repaired to take advantage of the offer. [Chaudhuri, o. c. 158. " Chumar Wulvej and 50 of his clan were killed by the Gaikwad Bhils and Koor Wussawa tendered his submission, Laxman Parvee was taken and pardoned. Boorhan Khan and Meer Khan received pension". Graham, o.c. 15-16.] Expeditions were sent against many leaders but the whole district was in utter chaos and even the village police aided the plunderers. Cil Naik was apprehended and hanged.

In 1820 Dusrut commenced the usual process of indiscriminate devastation and was joined by the famous Pendhari Saikh Dulla, but Major Morin imposed considerable restraint on their excesses by occupying posts for hundred miles which forced the southern hill Bhils to surrender.[" Oochit cut down a Patel. Jundhoola, Jukria and Mohun with 1,200 followers surrendered to Major Morin, Sindhava road was impassable. Nowappor was attacked. Palaji Deshmukh was taken and executed. Koor Wussawa of Sackbassy ravaged Nowappor and Kokannoonda with 400 followere-Soor-mull escaped " Graham, o. c. 16.]

In 1821, there was no decrease in gang robbery. Military operations continued without success. The disturbances caused in the villages round Parola. [In the Amalner Sub-division, twenty miles east of Dhulia, Parola was one of the largest and most prosperous towns in Khandesh with many weavers and a considerable trade.] and an attempt to assassinate Captain Briggs, brought on Lala Bhau Jhansikar, the proprietor, the wrath of the British Government and though allowed to keep his estate, he was forced to give up his fort.

In 1822, a fresh incursion of the Bhils under the famous leader Hiria threw the country into a state of complete lawlessness. Anarchy and oppression reached a fearful height, gangs of Bhils scoured the country plundering in every direction, and the mamlatdars reported extreme alarm of the people. ["The Burgaon and Errandole districts were infested with three large gangs, under the control of the famous fleet Heeria, Saiboo came in and was enter-tained to preserve the peace of the Chalisgaon district". Graham o. c. 17.] Colonel Robinson who took the field in April 1823, obtained some success [Chaudhuri, o. c. 158 Khobarekar, o. c. 18. "The Political Agent left Khandesh in 1823. During his administration, continued settlements had been made only to be broken and force employed, by which for a time submission was obtained; when the collector took charge_i Nahals in Satpooras, Ankoos in Saatmullas and Heeria in the districts of Burgaon and Errandolp were plundering. Russola was seized and Poonia Was killed "-Graham, o. c. 17.] in scattering the rebels and destroying their settlement. Then for two years, fierce retribution followed, the Bhils were caught and killed and many of them were also subjected to severe punishment. But though many were caught and killed fresh leaders were never wanting, their scattered followers again drew together, and quiet and order were as far off as ever.[" Sahib Khan joined the insurgents. Anund was apprehended, Goomany refused to deliver up delinquents traced to his huttie. Roop and Yeshwant, his brother, seized. Goomany taken and transported. Large detachments under Major Deschamp moved on. Mamlatda'rs reported extreme alarm of the people. Military force penetrated into the hills." Graham, o. c. 17.]

In 1825, the situation further deteriorated. These aboriginals were now used as tools in the hands of the interested political leaders. Sivram, a blacksmith, produced forged papers from the Rajah of Satara. He enticed the Baglan Bhils to rise up in an insurrection. The marauders a party of 800 men, attacked and plundered Antapur and carried off the spoil to the hill fort of Milair (Murlimhar) but shortly after Lieutenant Outram surprised and dispersed the insurgents, and recovered a great part of the plunder. Later on, Sivram and his followers were successfully encountered, most of whom reoeived pardon and returned to ploughs. [Raising threatened the purganas of Kanapoor and Pemplee. On Sowram's surrender necessary arrangements were made by Mr. Graham the 2nd Assistant Collector. The country still continued in a very disturbed state and crime did not decrease. Dharis Naik was seized. Rore Naik, Sutwa, Krishna and Bayjee were settled. Dadma was seized. Village Patils were discovered to be in league with the Bhils. Pando was apprehended. Graham, o. c. 18.] Other leaders like Pendya, Bundee, Sutva committed depredations.

As force had failed, Mr. Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay, determined to try gentler measures. In 1825, orders were given that fresh efforts should be made to encourage the wild tribes to settle as husbandmen and to enlist and form a Bhil Corps. With these objects Khandes was divided into three Bhil Agencies, which were apportioned to as many officers, who were expected to reside within the limits of their respective districts. The one in the north-west included Nandurbar, Sultanpur, Pimpalner, and the Dangs; a second, in the north-east included Copda, Yaval, Savda, Erandol, Amalner and Nasirabad and the third in the south included Jamner, Bhadganv, Calisganv, and the districts near the Satmala range. To the officer in charge of the second Agency, the duty was likewise entrusted of raising a Bhil Corps under active Native and Non-Commissioned Officers. At Dharangariv, Lieutenant, afterwards Sir James Outram busied himself, from 1825 to 1830, in raising the Bhil Corps.

The duties of the agents were heavy and varied. Gangs still in revolt had to be reduced and order kept, offenders punished and pensions paid and the people led to settle to steady work. As far as possible registers of the different tribes were kept, the chiefs were won by rewards and pensions, their hereditary claims to guard the passes were carefully respected and the tillage was fostered by grants of land, seed and cattle. The Bhil Corps was very hard to start. Their shyness, restlessness and suspicions hindered the Bhils from enlisting. But lieutenant Outram's skill and daring as a tiger-hunter, his freehanded kindness, and his fearless trust in his followers won the Bhils' hearts. Nine men joined him as a bodyguard and on the conclusion of the monsoon, he left the Headquarters of Dharajiganv at the head of sixty men. During the rest of the season, fresh recruits joined and at its close when they entered Maleganv Cantonment, the troops welcomed the Bhils as fellows-soldiers Men of the highest caste visited the wild recruits and gave them betel-nuts. The success of the corps was assured.[Graham, o. c. 8.

The troops who did this good service were the XXIII Regiment, Bombay Native Infantry, Ibid.]

In 1826, a gang plundered Burgaon. The Sindvaghat was shut by Dhursing and Soobhania returned from transportation. Sultanpur was plundered. Detachments were sent against Deocand and thirty of his followers were killed in Sultanpur but Soobhania repulsed the party of regulars sent against him. He was seized by Rania Naik and was sent to Dhulia where he died in the jail. The system of reformation continued and upwards of 300 ploughs were established. Pendya was apprehended, and Bowajee was murdered. Bodvad was disturbed by large gangs. Two notorious Bhils were seized by the reformed Bhils. The Bhil levy amounted to 200 recruits who were inspected by the Collector [Graham, o. c. 18.]. In 1827, a gang formed under Khundoo and Mahadev, near Sindva, attacked the village of Boorwaree but Lieutenant Outram with a detachment of the Bhil Corps surprised them after a night's march and the gang was completely dispersed with the loss of one of its leaders and several of the followers killed. [Graham o. c. 19. A Jamadar and 7 of the corps were wounded on this occasion.] Recruits came in and when inspected by the Brigadier, the corps was found highly efficient. This strength was raised from 400 to 600 and afterwards to 690. The Agent reported that the colonies were increasing and that he was successful in settling many of the predatory Bhils on the Eastern frontier of Jamner, who were reckoned as the wildest of the tribes. [While in the north-east Lieutenant Outram was raising the Bhil Corps, in the south Major Evans and Lieutenant Graham were bringing the Satmala Bhils to form settlements and engage in tillage, and Captain Ribby was quieting the wilder western chiefs.]

Meanwhile the Bhils continued to settle in the plains; the south colonies prospered and many of the wild Bhils in the east of Jamner took to agriculture. The Kukarmunda Bhil Agency was abolished in 1827, and the control of the predatory Bhils was made over to the Second Assistant Collector, then placed in charge of the western districts.

The Bhil tribes were now reclaimed. The Collector in 1828 reported that, for the first time in twenty years, the district had enjoyed repose for six months. The Bhil corps was employed through-out the district, in pursuing marauders and in escorting prisoners and treasurers.

In 1830, all the available force of the Bhil Corps and the Auxiliary Horse, together with a strong detachment of regular troops marched on Dangs and subdued the chiefs. However, great sickness prevailed among the troops after their return from the Darigs. In 1831, the Tadvi Bhils of Adavad were plundering in the north-east. A detachment of the Bhil Corps under Lieutenant Outram marched to Yaval and 469 of the rioters were apprehended and 158 were sentenced by the criminal court Judge. Major Evans reported the increasing prosperity and reformation of his colonies and the total success which had crowned his arduous labours. 641 Bhils were at the plough and 6,018 acres (8,024 highds) were under tillage. [Graham, o. c. 20.]

In 1832, the district remained quiet. Owing to the efforts of the Bhil Corps, 113 Bhil villages were re-established in Calisganv, Bhadgahv and Jamner. In 1837, at the request of the Gwalior Resident, the districts of Yaval, Copda, Pacora and twelve villages of Lohare, were restored to Sinde. This greatly added to the difficulties of keeping order and the crime suddenly increased and the Bhils gave much trouble. These disturbances were soon repressed, and in 1839 the Bhil Corps had become so efficient, that the Regiment of the line was withdrawn from Khande's. [Ibid.]

In 1840, Pratapsing, Rajah of Amli, from southern Dings, throwing off his allegiance, allowed his followers to plunder the villages in the British territory and refused to obey the summons of the Magistrate. The Bhil Agent with a small party of the corps and horse, after a forced march of sixty miles, surprised his principal location and seized his family, flocks and arms. Next year (1841) a large party of Ahmadnagar Bhils plundered the Government treasury at Pimpajner which had been left without adequate means of defence. The Bhil Corps pursued the marauders and secured a portion of the plunder. During the same year, Bhamnia Naik broke into rebellion and attacked a village in Sultanpur. He was met by the Bhil Agent on the banks of the Narmada and was shot and his followers seized, and brought to Dhulia. Next year (1842), the Tadvi Bhils, plundering Savda and Yaval under their leaders Beekarai and Bangchund were defeated, and Beekarai was seized and Bangchund killed. [Graham, o. c. 21.] Whatever success was achieved was due to the humanising influence of Lieutenant Outram. the Baird of India.[" Leaving unattended for weeks together amongst their ' Hutties' by the fearless and manly confidence which he evinced on their honour and good faith by so unhesitatingly entrusting his. life to their keeping, he succeeded in inspiring them with a conviction that the British Government was sincere in its profession." Graham, o. c. 8.] The Bhils were gradually weaned away from their predatory propensities, and incorporated into the British system by bounty and patronage. [The total amount advanced by Government to establish the colonies was Rs. 85,348. Of this sum Rs. 44,137 had been recovered; Rs. 16,960 were still outstanding, of which one half might be recovered and thus total deficit would amount to Rs. 32,500; Graham, Statement of advances and balances due by the British colonies in the Chalisgaon, Bhadgaon and Jamner, under the Kunhur Agency. The Bhil Tribes of Khandesh p. 24.]

In accordance with the treaty of Gwalior, in April 1844, Yaval, Copda, Pacora and Lohare were again made over to the British. Lalji Sakharam alias Lala Bhau who was the Mamlatdar of Yaval refused to surrender the Yaval fort and made preparations to defend the fort with his clerks and three hundred troops. This compelled the Collector, Mr. Bell who had advanced to take charge of the district, to retire. Mr. Bell, thereupon summoned troops from Asirgad and Maleganv and the Bhil Corps under Captain Morris. The troops arrived and encamped at Sakli and Bhalod on both sides of Yaval, and Lalji Sakharam, in consequence of a message from Sindes officer at Burhanpur, delivered up the fort in April 1844. Lohare and Pacora also resisted in the same way. The Rajput Patil of the village of Varkheda shut himself in his fort and refused to yield. Force had to be used, and a detachment of the line and a couple of nine-pounder guns, with the Bhil Corps under Captain Morris, were sent against him. After a long and obstinate resistance, in which the attacking force lost sixteen killed and wounded, and the Mansaram Patil was shot dead and his only son mortally wounded, the fort was captured and dismantled. In 1845, the Western Bhil Agency was restored and a house for the use of the Western Bhil Agent was built at Nandurbar. In 1846, the chief of Cikhll, Kuvar Jiva Vasava, disliking the Bhil Agent's interference, took to the woods, and as he refused to listen to offers of pardon, detachments were sent against him.[Malegaon Brigade, the Poona Irregula'r Horse and the Bhil Corps.] Though surprised he made a fierce resistance and was not captured without bloodshed. He was sentenced to ten years rigorous imprisonment. His son Ramsing with his cousin Sonji was sent to Poona for studies. [For sometime both boys did well. But as they grew up, they gave Major Candy, the Principal of the College much trouble, and finally running away, were not found for several months. When he came of age and was entrusted with the management of his estate, Ramsing's conduct was far from steady. Known to share in gang robberies and suspected of murdering his wife, he was seized (1872) and deported and the management of his estate was assumed by Government.] In 1849, Burhanpur was the scene of a desperate and sanguinary affray between Muslims and Hindus. [Sir George Clerk in his minute of 28th April 1848, stated "It is now thirty years since we acquired the Government of the Deccan and Khandesh, with much of the country we rule over Gujarat. But it is quite clear from records before me that crime has not decreased, that we are affording no increased protection to our subject". Chaudhuri, o. c. 207 c/f pp. (Lords), J 1852-53. Vol. XII, paper 162; minutes by Right Hon. Lord Falkland, dated February 28, 1850. p. 40 and p. 24.]

The order of the Revenue Commissioner in 1849 that the land-holders should provide stone boundary marks for their lands, met with a strong opposition. In 1852, the cultivators of Savda, Raver and Copda in Khandes made strong demonstrations, when a revenue survey party led by Davidson was about to begin their work there. [Davidson, the officer in charge of the survey, had arrived with his party and pitched his tents at Yaval.] The demonstrator pleaded that neither stone nor labourers could be found to put the boundary marks. On intimation from Davidson, other civil and military officers arrived to help him, but on ascertain-ing the strength of the demonstration, it was decided to stop the survey operations for the time being. [Two or three thousand men gathered and surrounded the tents of Davidson.]

After a few days Davidson moved his camp to Renganv a small village on the Tapi about five miles from Savda to resume his operations when he was joined by other officers of the party. [The crowd had threatened to pull down the tents of the survey officers who did not at once leave. Davidson had sent an express to the Collector at Dhulia, and to Major Morris, the Commanding Officer of the Bhil Corps at Dharangaon. The Collector, Mr. Elphinstone deputed his first and second assistants. Mr. Havelock and Mr. Boswell, to Yaval and Major Morris accompanied them with a detachment of the Bhil Corps and the Poona Horse. Mr. Havelock told the people that the survey operations would be stopped till a statement of the circumstances could be made to Government. On this the people dispersed, and shortly afterwards Mr. Havelock, Major Morris, Mr. Boswell and the survey party retired across the Tapi. The survey officers encamped near Boraval on the Tapi and the other officers returned to headquarters. After a few days Mr. Davidson resolved to move his camp to Rangaon. Chaudhuri, o. c. 172.] But finding that Mr. Bell, the Civil Engineer was at Savda, he joined him with the survey officers, Mr. Waddington and Mr. Baker.

This became the occasion for a tremendous upheaval. Savda peasantry began to assemble in hundreds, "in less than an hour a mob surrounded the tents, and seized the tent ropes, shouting ' Din' ' Din' and ' No Survey'". [The cultivators had sent a deputation to the Survey Officers' tents, demanding a written assurance that the survey should be abandoned. This the survey officers refused to give.] So violent did they become that the European officers fled away in panic, the Mamlatdar and the Mahalkari who tried to pacify the mob were assaulted. [Chaudhuri o. c. 172. The mamlatdar was severely hurt and the Mahalkari saved himself only by flight.] On getting the news of the disturbance, Mansfield, the Collector, who had succeeded Mr. Elphinstone at Dharanganv, called in the aid of Major Morris and the Bhil Corps from Dharanganv. Mansfield had issued a proclamation declaring that the orders of the Government must be obeyed, but the Government was practically boycotted by the people. The people of Erandol refused to land their carts for public and military services, Mamlatdar's messengers were intercepted, and a Subhedar-Major was kept confined at Erandol. [The Subhedar-Major was despatched to Erandol with fifty men of the Bhil Corps and thirty horse, but the people assembled to the number of several thousands, shut the gates, surrounded the party, and refused to let them leave the town. The news of this riot reached Dharangaon at 10 a.m.] Major Morris with 300 men of the 11th and 16th regiments of Native Infantry and two companies of Bhil Corps fell upon the insurgents at Erandol. [Chaudhuri, o. c. 172, Fifty men of the Poona Horse also accompanied this force. The Collector, too, accompanied the force.] The occupation of the place was effected after the gates of the town were broken through and precautionary measures were taken by keeping in custody the landed gentry, the Desmukhs, Despandes and Patils. Though Erandol was recovered, Savda and Faizpur remained strong centres of disaffection. There the rebels had set up a government of their own in supersession of the existing one. [The orders of the mamlatdar and other government servants were set at nee. They refused to pay their revenue and the leaders formed them-into a committee.]

A Committee called Pancayat conducted the local administration, collected the revenues and punished the offenders. On 15th December, 1852, Major Morris was joined by Captain Wingate and the Collector and on the 16th, they reached Faizpur an hour before day-break. The Bhil Corps surprised the rebels by surrounding the town. The gates were guarded by the men of the line. The ring leaders were seized simultaneously, a force moved to Savda, where the persons who had made themselves most conspicuous were apprehended, and later on a proclamation was issued commanding the cultivators to return to their homes. As resistance was impossible, the peasants submitted. Two days after, Mr. Mansfield held  a Darbar at Savda in which he explained the object of the survey in relation to agricultural conditions which was generally understood. [This incident, however insignificant, showed how little was needed W bring the government into disrepute and danger. The deep-seated discontent of the masses lay dormant, ready to gush out in an upheaval at the slightest provocation. Resistance to survey was obviously a resistance to the imposition of the revenue system and more particularly to assessment. The survey riot was only an indication of the dread of the peasantry at the burden of assessment which would follow as a sequel to survey and measurement of land-Chaudhuri. o. c. 172.]

War of Independence 1857.

The Revolt of 1857: Kajarsing or Kajising, who on several occasions had been treated kindly by Mr. Mansfield, the Collector, went into rebellion. Kajising, the Naik of the Bhils, had been in the service of the British from 1851, with a good record to his credit. He was in charge of the police force, stationed to guard the forty mile road from Sindvii to Sirpur. So vigilant has been his watch that not a single theft or murder was recorded on the road, during these twenty years. To add, he had loyally served Major Graham, Major Morris, Captain Rose and Major Keir in tracing and bringing to terms some of the notorious Bhils from the locality. However, in 1851, one Bhil, found in the act of crime was severely beaten by him, with the effect that the Bhil criminal died. Kajarsing could not escape the murder charge and was confined for ten years. When he was released in, 1855, in spite of the strong recommendations from Captain Rose and others, he could not find any gainful occupation. When in May of 1857, it was sufficiently known that the Bhils would not be silent spectators to the events in the north, Kajarsing was given the charge of the pass in June 1857.[Khobarekar, o. c. 61.]

Kajarsing in the meanwhile had been watching with keen interest the events in the North and Central India, and had judged that success, perhaps, would not be in favour of the British, this time. He decided to rely on his own, agelong, means of livelihood. The headquarters of the Mutineers instructed Kajarsing, Bhima and Mavasia Naik to rise in rebellion. Kajarsing labouring under some imaginary grievance [Kajarsing was insulted by Captain Birch and his risaldar.] went into rebellion, plundered villages below the hills, and shut the Sindva pass. His ranks were filled by the mutineers, as well as by the disbanded soldiery from Holkar's army.

A large amount of treasure, on its way from Indore to Bombay, fell into his hands. In September 1847, Bhima Naik attacked. Lieutenant Kennedy and warned the police officers of Khande; Bhima Naik even posed as the representative of the Delhi Emperor, The Government declared a prize of Rs. 1,000 for his arrest. But on the night of 29th October 1857, Bhima Naik, Kajarsing and other Bhil Chiefs, leading 1500 Bhils attacked and plundered Sirpur Captain Birch pursued them for fifty-six miles without any tangibly effect. On 1st November, Kajarsing and Bhima plundered two villages, six miles from the British district headquarters. At the same time Khala Naik plundered another village in Sultanpur taluka. Information was forwarded to the Bombay Government that a big assemblage of Bhils in Patoda taluka shortly to be joined by 400 Bhils, from Sinnar, would start their plundering activities, at any time. The Collector pleaded strong measures against the Bhils.

By 17th November 1857, the Bhil force under Kajarsing and Bhima had risen to 1,500 and after plundering the great treasures worth seven lakhs of rupees, in the Sindva ghat, the Bhils came down and attacked villages in the Sultanpur area. Bhagoji Naik, too, with his followers started supporting Kajarsing and Bhima Naik. The Arab mercenaries, disbanded from the Dhar army, joined Kajarsing. [These were 2,000 in number.] It was known, by April 1850, that the provisions for this band of Bhils were supported by Rajah of Barwani.

Major Evans had tried to win over Bhima Naik and Mavasia by negotiations but with no effect. Kajarsing, Daulatsing and Kalu Baba organised formidable defence against Major Evans. The British officers were wounded and one Indian officer died in the action that followed. The Bhils lost 65 men and had 170 wounded. This action was fought at Ambapani on 11th April 1858. Four hundred Bhil women, who had been earlier successfully helping their men against the British, were arrested. "The Drum Trials" passed capital punishment on 57 Bhils.

This was resented much by the Bhils from Ahmadnagar. Bhagoji Naik, in 1859, made a bold raid into Cajisganv. He was surprised by a body of the Ahmadnagar police under Sir Frank Souter. The skirmishes continued throughout the year at Sirpur, Sultanpur, Pacora, and Yaval. [Khobarekar, o. c. 63-64.]

During these troubles considerable alarm was felt by the approach, to the very borders of Khandes, of the troops under Tatya Tope. On the 3rd November 1858, news came that Tatya had crossed the Narmada and was marching on Khandes. Troops were at once moved into the district, and a regiment of Native Infantry, with detachments of the 18th Royal Irish and of Artillery supported by the Poona Irregular Horse, protected Asirgad[Captain Birch held Ashirgad during the revolt of 1857-58, with a party of the Bhil Corps.] and Burhanpur, [In June 1857, Captain Birch, with 100 men of the Bhil Corps had marched on Burhanpur and disarmed a mutinous detachment of Shinde's contingent.] while a wing of the 23rd Native Infantry and a detachment of European Artillery and Infantry, with a squadron of Dragoons, held the area round Ajanta. The Bhil Corps and a strong body of Poona Horse were stationed at Bodvad. The intelligence proved true, and Tatya Tope with his forces passed within thirty miles of Burhanpur, marching west. Great alarm was felt for the safety of Khandes and troops were rapidly marching on Copda, as it was expected that Tatya would attempt to enter by the Dhaulibari pass. On the 23rd Tatya plundered Kargund, [A village, 30 miles from Sindva.] and on the following day, robbed the post and destroyed the telegraph wire on the Agra road. Sir Hugh Rose [Lord Strathnairn.] arrived at Sirpur on the same day to take the command of the forces of Khandes. News next came that the revolters planned a retreat northwards, and Sir Hugh resolved at once to press on their rear with all his available force. [Mr. Mansfield, the Collector, objected to his district being left exposed,  but as there could no longer be any doubt that the revolters intended to re-cross the Narmada and make for Malwa, Ujjain or Gujarat,, Sir Hugh started through the Sindva pass.] Finding that Brigadier Parke had already gained on the revolters from the north and turned them west troops were hurried to Sahada, and the force at Dhulia was strengthened by the Ahmadnagar Flying Column. [But the revolters contrived to force their way through Bhavni and reached Chota Udepur, where on the 18th December, they were overtaken by Brigadier Parke and routed.] After 18th December, it was feared that the revolters would recross the Narmda and attempt to enter Khandes through Akrani. Troops were sent to Sultanpur and Taloda, but the alarm subsided. Before the end of the year the need for further military dispositions in Khandes had ceased.

Khandesh Bheel Rebellion.

[Taken from Source Material for a History of the Freedom Movement in India, Vol. I.]

Khandesh Bheel Rebellion.

(The Bheels were a backward but warlike community inhabiting larg areas in Central India, Gujarat and Khandesh. Greatly cherishing their traditional independence, the community was naturally stirred by the news of the rebellion in the North; and under the leadership of Kajee Singh, Bhagoji Naique and others they raised the banner of revolt in Khandesh. The revolt was of course suppressed, but after a stubborn resistance on the part of the rebels, Kajee Singh, the leader, was given unconditional pardon.

In fact, Kajee Singh had been in the service of the East India Company for some time, but in 1851 was courtmarshalled for misuse of power and sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. The "Sadre Adalat", however, released him after five years.)

The proprietors of Parola [Twenty-four miles east of Dhulia.] were found to be disloyal and their estate was confiscated in 1857. In 1859, the town and fort of Parola, which belonged to a member of the Jhansi family, were confiscated by the Government and the fort was dismantled.

Since 1859, the peace of the district has been unbroken. In 1860-61. Burhanpur was ceded to the British by Sinde and has since formed part of the district of Nimar in the Central Provinces. The other important changes had been, in return for the cession of territory near Jhansi in Central India, the acquisition, in 1860, of the Erandol petty division. [Along with the Varangaon petty-division, Varangaon was, earlier, handed over to the British by Shinde in 1861.]

Reward for Bheema Naik's Apprehension

(P. D. Vol. 28 of 1857, p. 125)

Extracts from letter No. 52 of 1857 from the Commissioner of Police to the Secretary to Government, Secret Department, dated 28th September 1857, Poona:-

"Sir,

I beg to submit for the consideration of Government that a reward of one thousand rupees be offered for the apprehension of Bheema Naik who is issuing proclamations to the Khandesh Police, stating that he is acting under the authority of king of Delhi and threatening them as if they remain faithful to Government.

2. I am of opinion that were a reward of a thousand rupees offered it would tend materially to destroy his influence and most probably ensure his capture.

3. This Bheema Naik is the leader of the Bheels who attacked Lieutenant Kennedy's party."

Attempt of Seerpoor Village

(P. D. Vol. 30 of 1857, pp. 113 to 114-Letter, dated 30th October 1857).

A letter from S. Mansfield, Esq., Magistrate of Candesh, to H. L. Anderson, Esquire, Secretary to Government, S. D., Bombay, regarding attack by Bheel rebel leaders, viz. Bheema Naik and Kajee Sing on Seerpoor.

"Sir,

I beg to report for the information to Government that fifteen hundred (1,500) Bheels under Bheema Naik, Kajee Sing and other Naiks made an attempt at a descent on Seerpoor last night but their hearts failed them at the last moment and they turned back after they had reached within a mile of the place. Intelligence was brought to us at 4 a.m. and Captain Birch whom I accompanied after collecting all the men he could went in pursuit for about six (6) miles when they entered the hills where it was impossible to follow them owing to the thickness of the jungle at this season of the year.

2. From information I have received it appears that the Naiks are determined to make another attempt at Seerpoor. I have there-fore directed the officer in command of the company of the 19th Begiment N. I. en route to the Sooltanpoor district to march on this place. I am also raising a considerable number of Peons to relieve the Bheel corps to admit of their being employed in the hills against these marauding Bheels.".

Villages plundered by Bhil Naiks

(P. D. Vol. 30 of 1857, pp. 137-143)

A letter from S. Mansfield, Esq., Magistrate of Candesh, to H. L. Anderson, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay, regarding insurrection of Bheels-Letter, dated 2nd November, 1857.

"Sir,

In continutation of my letter No. 1725 of 30th ultimo I have to report that two (2) villages within six miles of the place I am writing from were plundered yesterday by Kajee Sing, Bheema and other Naiks. Another village in the Sooltanpoor Talooka has been plundered by one Rewallea Naik.

2. I have also received intelligence by Telegraph that a band is assembling on the borders of the Khandesh and Ahmadnagar Zilas in the Patoda Talooka of the latter and four hundred (400) of the Sinner Bheels are supposed to be making for Khandesh.

3. From the assemblage of so many separate bands for plunder it is evident that the whole Bheel population are in insurrection and most strongest measures are required to put them down."

(Rest of the letter is devoted to arrangement to suppress the insurrection).

(P. D. Vol. 31 of 1857, pp. 455 to 457)

Government Treasure Plundered.

Extract from a letter from S. Mansfield, Esquire, Magistrate of Khandesh, to H. L. Anderson, Esquire, Secretary to Government of Bombay, dated 19th November, 1857. Serial No. 1883 of 1857.

"Sir,

I regret to have to report for the information of Government, that several carts containing seven (7) lacs of treasure, were plundered on the 17th instant by the Bheels beyond Sindwa, about thirty (30) miles from the Candeish Frontier, in His Highness Holkar's territory ".

(P. D. Vol. 31 of 1857, pp. 525 to 530)

Fifteen Hundred Bhils in Rising.

Extract from the proceedings of Government in the Military Department No. 6370 of 1857. Letter from the quarter master general of the army to the Secretary to Government military department:-

"2. The Khandesh Bheels under their Naiques Khajee Sing and Bheema have united and number it is supposed some fifteen hundred men; they occupy the Satapoora range from where they have already descended and committed serious depredations in the Sooltanpoor districts and threatened the village of Shada and several other."

(P. D. Vol. 32 of 1857, pp. 77 to 81)

Complicity of Holkar's Officials.

Extracts from a letter from Samuel mansfield, Esq., Magistrate of Candesh, to H. L. Anderson, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay, regarding Holkar's attitude towards Khajee Sing and his friends. Letter, dated 30th November 1857. Serial No. 1957 of 1857:-

"3rd. Captain Birch reports what I had already heard that the want of energy displayed by His Highness the Holkar's officials and troops at Sindwa to protect traffic and disperse the bands of Bheels is so great that the only inference to be drawn is that they render assistance to Khajee Sing and other Bheel Naiks and participate in their illgotten gains. Khajee Sing's headquarters are close to Sindwa which he visits every day. Captain Birch states there were hundreds of opium carts detained at Sindwa itself to pay toll to Khajee Singh and notwithstanding this, not the slightest effort was made by Holkar's officials to seize him or protect the opium. More-over the post has been stopped and the rider and his horse carried away into the jungles within musket shot of Sindwa and the telegraph wire has only been cut in its neighbourhood."

"4th. His Lordship in Council will perceive that all my efforts to protect the Agra and Bombay road are in vain if such a state of things is allowed to continue and beg strongly to recommend that the fort of Sindwa should be placed temporarily if not permanently under Khandesh and garrisoned by the Bheel corps. From what I know of what has occurred there and in its neighbourhood during the last two months I am quite convinced that unless a European officer is stationed there in charge of troops, order will not be restored and postal and telegraph communications will be continually subject to interruption."

(P. D. Vol. 20 of 1858, pp. 69 to 77 Serial No. 4 of 1857)

Bhagojee Naik's Mother Captured.

Summary of a letter from Captain T. Nuttall, 29 Regiment N. I. on Special Duty, to Mr. Rattington, Esq., Commissioner of Police, regarding a fight between Bhagojee Naik and his band and himself and the result of the fight, Letter dated 23rd December, 1857:-

Whilst at Peint Captain Nuttal came to know that Bhagojee Naik and his band were beyond Harsole and were making for Macodah. Upon getting this news Captain Nuttal with few Sowars marched towards that place without taking rest anywhere. At Harsole Patel of the village brought one prisoner who gave full information about Bhagojee Naik and his band. On receiving the information that Bhagojee is driving towards Macodah, Captain Nuttal immediately rushed on. At Deurah village one scout brought the tiding that Bhagojee was within two miles distance. Captain Nuttal with his Sowars drove towards that place and surprising Bhagojee and his band fell on them. In the skirmish Bhagojee lost some of his followers but ran away.

In this little fight some women were caught, amongst them Bhagojee's mother.

Complicity of the Raja of Burwanee.

(Pages 678 680, P. D. Vol. 25 of 1858)

Letter No. 198 of 1858 from Major Haselwood, Superintendent of Police and Political Assistant to the Collector to Mr. Mansfield, Magistrate of Khandesh, dated 5th April 1858:—

Major Haselwood writes that on his arrival in Burwanee territory with field force, he " naturally expected after what Colonel Stockly had written to me that he was sure I might depend on the Rajah to aid me to the utmost of his power and that he was to request him to furnish me with good and faithful guides". When the force was within two miles of Burwanee the Kotwal of Burwanee came. Major Haselwood tried to get information regarding Bheema and Menwassia Naiks from Kotwal of Burwanee but he got most evasive answers. He could also find out that supplies in large quantities were sent to the Hills. The confession of one Chattersing (connection of Rajah's) also disclosed the fact that clothes etc. were supplied to Dowlutsing. He writes in Para. 3, " From all the above circumstances and from the evidence which I have obtained, the complicity of the Raja of Burwanee in aiding and abetting in rebellion appeared to me to be so clearly demonstrated that I felt but one course open to me namely to place Rajah's Brother under surveillance and to disarm his followers and to address Captain Waterman commanding Malwa Bheel corps with whom the Rajah of Burwanee was reported to be at Singda and request him to place the Rajah a prisoner pending an inquiry into his conduct."

I

(P. D. Vol. 25 of 1858, pages 383 to 387)

The Battle at Amba Pani.

Extracts from a letter from Major Evans, camp Satpoora field, to the Secretary to Government, Bombay, regarding Amba Panee battle with Bheels:—

"Sir,

I have the honour to report for the information of the Right Honourable the Governor that soon after my arrival at Burwanee I ascertained that Bheema and Mowasia Naiks had in reality no intention whatever of submitting to terms and that their only object in negotiating was to gain time.

2. I, therefore, determined on attacking them, on the morning of the 11th instant; as also Kajee Singh, Daulatsing and Kaloo Bhawa, who I learnt, were encamped with them at this place.

5. The chiefs with three thousand followers consisting of Mack ranees and Bheels took up their stand on the summit of a narrow and steep range of Hills, the tops of which afforded excellent cover, owing to their being crowned with rocks and large stones.

8. The troops were soon on the summit of the range when a most determined resistance was offered under cover of the rocks, especially by the Mackranees, who have fought desperately and it was not till 3 p.m. that the Hills were cleared of them.

9. Many of the enemies escaped eastward or from the right of the position.

12. The enemy could not have lost less than one hundred and fifty killed. The number of wounded is unknown, sixty two men were taken prisoners out of which fifty seven have been shot by sentence of a Drum Beat Court-Martial. About two hundred women and children have also been taken prisoners. I enclose the list of casualties.

List of casualties.-16 Killed, 45 Wounded, 1 Horse wounded, 7 Missing (men), 69 Total."

II

(P. D. Vol. 26 of 1858, pp. 9 to 13)

Extracts from a letter from Major A, M. Haselwood, Superintendent of Police and Political Assistant to the Collector, to S. Mansfield Esq., Magistrate of Khandesh, dated 12th April 1857, regarding the resistance to Bheels:—

"2. Major Evans and Captain Langston will doubtless give full particulars of the part they took in the engagement which commenced at 8 a.m. and terminated at 1/2 past 3 p.m. in the total discomfiture of the insurgents, who fought, particularly Mukranees, Arabs and Rohillas, with the desperation of men, who knew that if taken prisoners, nothing but death awaited them. Many of these are known to be men who formed a portion of the escaped garrison of Dhar. A good idea of the obstinacy and desperation with which the insurgents fought may in some measure be derived from the persual of our Casualty Return, which I regret to say is very heavy-being 2 European Officers severely wounded, Captain Birch and Lieut. Basevi, one Native officer of the 9th Regiment killed and about 56 rank and file killed and wounded 170; of these 86 were Makranees and Rohillas, 19 Mussalmans, 11 Seedees, the rest Bheels. Dead bodies of the enemy have been counted, and doubtless there are many more lying about in the Nallah and long grass undiscovered. Their number of wounded must of course have been very considerable. The number of women and children taken exceeds 460 and amongst them are the wives of Kajee Sing and Mowassia Naiks and of Bhow Ravol of Kurree, also the sister of the former and the niece of Bheema Naik. Kajee Sing Naik's only son Polad Sing is said to have been killed. (170 plus 72 = 242 killed, 46 women missing). 72 male prisoners were also taken, amongst them the Sindee who cut down Lieut. Basevi. Of these 55 were tried last evening by Drum Beat-Court Martial and shot and the rest similarly disposed of to-day.

3. I beg to bring particularly to your notice the gallant conduct of Lieut. Stanley Scott, who in conjunction with the Rifles under Lieut. Coghlan, after turning the enemy's left flank and driving them back on the main body of the column, at the earlier part of the engagement, persisted in an attack upon some Makranees who had posted themselves on the summit of a high Hill surrounded with huge boulders of stone, where they held out shooting down numbers of our men, for at least two hours. In this attack he was assisted by Lieuts. Hanson and Sibthorpe of the 9th Regiment and Esree Pursad Subedar Major of the 2nd Bheel Corps whose gallantry also was most conspicuous on the occasion. After fighting their way up step by step to within 12 paces of the summit of the hill, they rushed with a shout upon the enemy shooting and cutting down the whole. 23 dead bodies were counted within the enclosure".

III

(P. D. Volume 25 of 1858, pp. 557-561)

Major Evans report to the Secretary to Government dated 14th April 1857 on the battle at Amba Panee (11th April 1857):-

Major Evans gives information regarding " the entire defeat on the 11th April of the insurgent chief at Amba Panee where a large number of their followers were attacked by a portion of the Field force under my orders, and driven from a strong and well chosen position, the approaches to which excepting from one point they had reason to believe inaccessible" and praises the very gallant and spirited manner, of the officers and men of all arms in which they commenced and followed up the attack in spite of "an obstinate resistance of seven hours' duration and gained complete possession of the enemy's stronghold."

The Field force made an attack on a strong position of insurgents situated on a summit of a hill, protected by large boulders of stone and defended by a number of Mackranees who offered a most deter-mined resistance.

"The officers taking advantage of the little cover the: ground afforded continuously but perseveringly advanced in skirmishing order to within twelve paces of their enemy keeping their men loaded for the final rush. They lost four of their number at the onslaught but twenty three of the Mackranees were left dead on the scene of action."

Major Haselwood pleads for a wild Policy

(Pages 495-502, P. D. Vol. 27, 1858)

Extracts from a letter from Major Haselwood, Supdt. of Police and Political Assistant to the Collector, to L. Mansfield Magistrate of Khandesh dated 5th May 1858, No. 270 of 1858:—

3. "The outrages which have been perpetrated by the majority of the Naiks and their followers have certainly been of a heinous description, but it must be borne in mind, that the Bheels are proverbially a suspicious race, easily tampered with and led away. It is an established fact that Kajeesing, Bheema and Mowassia Naiks received Purwannah either direct from the King of Delhi or from some high authority in the city directing them to rise in rebellion against the British Government and there is every reason to believe that they received similar instructions from Holkar's Durbar, and that they obeyed those instructions under the firm conviction that British Rule could not last, and that Holkar himself was in actual rebellion against it.

4. There is also little doubt that large amount of treasure which fell into Kajee Sing's hands was forwarded through the Sindwa Pass with the purposed intention of its falling into his hands, in order that he might be given the means of raising and paying Mukranees and Wulayutees to oppose the British government. Though doubt-less all these Naiks merit punishment, still a great and generous government should remember that they are dealing with wild and ignorant race, who have not embraced their hands in the blood of our country-women and their little ones; that the Bheels are men who are naturally of a generous and humane nature and very different to the ruthless and savage mutineers our armies in the upper provinces have had to deal with. These considerations lead me most earnestly to urge upon government that a considerate and mild policy be adopted towards these misguided people. The death of the Naik can be of little consideration to the British government, and if the chief Naiks would come in on the promise of their lives being spared them, and being permitted to live at the named places under surveillance, I am of opinion that the course should be unhesitatingly adopted.

5. Admitting that the government act on the recommendations contained on my letter No, 245 dated 24th ultimo, and locate regular troops at Burwanee and Rajpur, at Shirpur, Shada, Sallodar, and other place along the Khandesh Frontiers, admitting that detach-ments of the Bheel Corps are located all along the Sindwa road, still I would be bold to point out that our every arrangement, let it be ever so complete, cannot ensure the safety of the ' dawks' or the security of the telegraph wire between Shirpur and Akhurpoor on the Narbudda. It is impossible, however well and constantly the road may be patrolled, to prevent the occasional plunder of the one or the constant cutting of the other. Government are fully aware of all the great public inconveniences which were felt from the interruption of the telegraph communication during last monsoon. The question therefore for consideration is whether to carry out a relentless policy against free, ignorant and wild men who have been seduced into rebellion or whether generous and enlarged policy should be displayed towards them. My own feeling and I unhesitatingly express it, is, that being satisfied that the Naiks are not likely to be caught before the monsoon we adopted the latter policy on grounds of public inconvenience and that the lives of these wretched men between whom and the blood thirsty mutineers of Bengal a wide lines should be drawn, should not be held as of regular importance for the speedy tranquillity of this difficult and for eight months in the year inaccessible part of the country".

Mansfield against general amnesty

(Pages 492-493, P. D. Volume 27 of 1858)

Extracts from Letter No. 851 of 1858 from S. Mansfield, Esquire, Magistrate of Khandesh, to H. L. Anderson, Esquire, Secretary to Government, Bombay, dated 10th May 1858:—

Secret Department

3. " I anticipate little benefit from proclaiming a general amnesty to followers of the different chiefs who are very differently situated to those residing in our own territories."

4. " They each have large trusts of country which they rule over, independent of all control, and their followers look up to them with the greatest respect and veneration, and would no more think of acting in opposition to their wishes than the Highlanders two (2) centuries ago, would have done with regard to their own chiefs."

Major Haselwood appears to be of opinion that a pardon should be granted not only to all the Bheels but to all the Naiks who have been in rebellion during the last eight months notwithstanding they have fought against the Government and have committed the most heinous crimes of every description simply because we have not yet been able to destroy them and their remaining unsubdued will cause a great deal of inconvenience. It is for government to determine whether such proceedings are calculated to increase its dignity and secure the safety of its subjects residing in the neighbourhood of the Naik's countries and whether by postponing the retribution the Naiks so fully deserve, government will not be subject to greater expense and trouble hereafter."

Mansfield disagrees with Haselwood's conclusion.

(Pages 539-540 P. D. Vol. 28, 1858)

Extracts from a letter from Mr. S. Mansfield, Magistrate of Khandesh, to Mr. H. L. Anderson, Secretary to Government, Bombay, dated 22nd May 1858 No. 929 of 1858:-

2. "I do not consider the explanation now furnished warranted Major Haselwood in asserting that the Naiks had purwanahs from the King of Delhi or letters from Holkar; much less do I think that the treasure plundered was ever intended by its owners to fall into the hands of the Bheels. The probable reason why the owners of it did not attend my warning, was that they were aware that large consignments of treasure had for some time previous been sent via the Sindwa Jungles and had reached Indore in safety, and knowing they had a very strong guard they preferred risking travelling by Sindwa to taking the circuitous route by Assarbhur."

(P. D. Vol. 29 of 1858, pp. 657 to 665, Serial No. 104 of 1858)

Extracts from a letter from the Commissioner of Police to the Secretary to Government, Secret Department, Bombay regarding capture of Bheel women as hostages, dated 1st June, 1858:-

5. It is well known that the Bheel women are just as trouble some and mischievous as the men, and their seizure and imprisonment undoubtedly have had the best possible effect. They obtain information and supply it for the males, cook their food and fight also.

6. I am strongly impressed with the conviction, that they should be retained as hostages and not released, till Bhagojee and other Naiques are captured. An announcement to this effect might have the result of accelerating that event.

7. Captain Nuttal's exertions are unceasing; the great difficulty he had to contend with is defective and false intelligence.

8. The women have all been compromised by their own acts. Their detention is perfectly legitimate. They have great influence with the men. It is desirable that they should be made to under-stand that a disturbance is attended with personal inconvenience to themselves, that Bhagojee is not their friend, but the cause of their misfortune, that his interest and theirs are in antagonism, that their liberty depends on his capture. Bhagojee's own women would not aid in it, but there are many among the number who would.

9. I deprecate therefore the release of any at present, and propose rather with the permission of Government to authorize (Captain Nurtal to act on the above, and employ the services of any he may select to obtain information with promise of release to themselves and their friends, on the capture of Bhagojee and the remainder of the gang."

(P. D. Vol. 29 of 1858, pp. 665-666, Letter dated 19th June, 1858)

Extracts from a letter from Bombay Government to the Com-missioner of Police regarding the capture of Bheel women as hostages:-

"2. In reply I am desired to inform you that the R. H. G. in C concurs with you in considering that the women should not be released and he does not understand this view can be deemed inconsistent with the instructions contained in the 4th paragraph of letter No. 1996 of the 28th".

(P. D. Vol. 33 of 1858, pp. 349-362, Letter No. 1340 of 1858, dated

31st July, 1858)

A letter from S. Mansfield, Esqr. Magistrate of Khandesh, to H. L. Anderson, Esqr., Secretary to Government, Bombay, regarding the story of Kajee Sing and unconditional pardon given to him:-

"Sir,

Under the authority vested in me by Lord Elphinstone's telegram of the 22nd ultimo I have the honour to report that I have granted an unconditional pardon to Kajee Singh who has dismissed his followers to their respective villages and arrived in Dhoolia a few days ago.

2. Before granting him these extremely favourable terms I made two attempts to induce him to submit conditionally. I first promised him his life only but he replied that he might still be liable to be transported or imprisoned for life to which death would be preferable and on guaranteeing to him no such restrictions should be put on his liberty he refused to come in except on the condition of a full and unconditional pardon.

3. Taking into consideration the difficult and unhealthy country in which the Naiks had their headquarters which render military operations against them almost impracticable for the next ten (10) months and knowing what amount of misery these men, rendered desperate by the loss of their families could inflict on the population residing on the borders of Kandesh before they could be killed or apprehended, if they were allowed to remain united, I was convinced no sacrifice could scarcely be too great if their dispersion could be accomplished and I had little doubt of breaking up the confederacy if Kajee Sing who was the head of it could be induced to submit.

4. Sufficient time has not yet elapsed to enable me to report that such has actually taken place but Kajee Sing states confidently such will be the case and that every one of the Naiks will now disperse and has requested me to meet them in person to give them an assurance of pardon as they are under the jurisdiction of Lieut. Gunning. I have obtained that officer's consent to the arrangement and I shall leave Dhoolia in a few days for the interview.

5. His Lordship says in his telegram "I have no kind of faith in Kajee Sing's promises". After what has occurred during the last year His Lordship could not necessarily have any confidence in him-but he may not be aware that for twenty (20) years, from 1831 up to 1851, Kajee Sing conducted himself most admirably. He had police charge of the road from Sindwa to Seerpoor a distance of upwards of forty (40) miles through one continued jungle, inhabited only by Bheels, who had lately been reclaimed by Major General then Lieut. Outram and no robberies or crime of any kind occurred which he was not most active in detecting. He also distinguished himself greatly under Major D. Graham, Major Morris, Captain Rose and Major Kerr in apprehending notorious Bheel dacoits and was and is still held in great respect by all classes of natives. In 1851 a petty robbery was committed on the Sindwa road, and some persons were apprehended whom he and others tortured to confess, to such an extent that one person died. For this offence (extremely revolting to European idea but very venial in the eyes of Natives) he was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment, 5 of which were remitted by the Sudr Fouzdaree Adawlat. He was released in 1855. Captain Rose and Major Haselwood both begged me to restore him to his situation but I refrained from doing so until June 1857 when I thought his great influence among the Bheels of his district might be useful in keeping the road clear and restraining the other Bheels on the frontier.

6. Notwithstanding I have been deceived in Kajee Singh, I still think he is to be depended on, and that under the circumstances he was placed in, his outbreak is not so much to be wondered at. He had seen the Burwanee Naiks plundering in all directions not only in foreign territory but in our own and no vigorous attempt made to stop them. He had heard accounts of the lamentable circum-stances in the North West and in Central India, within a few miles of his own residence, all of course very much exaggerated; and like many men, not hostile to the British and much better informed-thought our rule was at an end and he might again pursue the wild life led by his ancestors.

7. He states the immediate cause of his outbreak was some abuse Captain Birch and a Ressaldar of the Poona Irregular Horse gave him but he admits that had he not received this provocation (which Captain Birch denies as far as he is concerned) he is doubtful if he would have been able to have withstood the temptation of following the example of his neighbours.

8. As far as I can ascertain, he has not been guilty of any acts of wanton cruelty. He plundered the treasure and seized the bullocks of a number of opium carts which he compelled their owners to ransom. He assures me he was engaged in plundering only one village named Kurwund though he is aware that many acts of plunder and robbery were committed in his name.

9. He also states notwithstanding the large amount of treasures he plundered he has no money left. This appears difficult to credit but he had no means of concealing it. The treasury was so bulky that he could not bury it without the assistance of many other Bheels who he says have robbed him of all which was not taken possession of by the force under Major Evans.

10. Taking into consideration his previous character the policy of making use of him to restrain his Bheel followers numbering between eight and nine hundred men, who have now dispersed to their village but who might be tempted to break out again and the necessity of providing some support for him and his family I have restored him to his former situation and placed all the police under him as before.

11. I am afraid His Lordship will not perhaps approve of his restoration to office as he desired me in his telegram to try to arrange if he is pardoned, he does not deceive us again. But with due deference, I must observe such an arrangement was impracticable for nothing but confinement or transportation could render such a result certain because I think when treating with such a rude race as the Bheels half measures are almost certain to miscarry. They must either be treated with perfect confidence or put in such a position as to be unable to do any harm. Kajee Sing is fully alive to the merciful treatment he has received from Government and as far as promises go, is most anxious to show himself worthy of it.

12. As a necessary consequence of his pardon and restoration of office, I have released his wife and sister and the whole of the women and children who were in confinement.

13. I beg to forward a translation of an order I have addressed to him."

Sindwas' Treasury loot

(P. D. Volume 27 of 1858, page 229)

Letter from the Commissioner of Police to the Secretary to Govern-ment of Bombay, dated 4th May 1858.

"Sir,

Referring to my letter No. 61 of the 17th ultimo, I have the honour to report for the information of Government, that from a communication received on the 2nd inst. from Sir R. Hamilton, there is no doubt as to the guard having participated in the plunder of the Treasure in the Sindwa Ghaut on the 17th of last November. There is further great suspicion of preconcert and complicity with Kajee Sing gang.

2. There is also little doubt that the treasure recovered by Captain Birch as reported in my letter above quoted, is part of the same that is to say, bars of silver and five frame pieces were the component parts of both ".

Statement on Sindwa Gliaut Treasure plunder

Statement of Davee Sing, Jamedar of the Convoy Sepoys in the employ of Goorsabmal Ghunasham:—

" About 300 Bheels came near the Jamlee Chowkee, and surrounded the carts. Firing was kept up for an hour. Bheels were kept off. When they did not retreat Chutter Bhooj Bummiat, Deegraj Bummiat went to the Bheels. Then Deegraj returned and began to say that he thought there was disturbance and they would deal treacherously. Chuttur Bhooj took Kajee Naik by the hand and said to Sepoys that the Naik had come to take care of the carts, and told them to plunder; there was no more fighting. When the Bheels began to plunder the convoy sepoys did the same. Those who had regard for their reputation looked after their own bundles, those who had no reputation took Rupees and silver. They came to Julwana, and Buggoo Sing Jamedar searched them. When Rupees and silver were found on the sepoys he imprisoned them. There is a Brahmin by name Sinbux. He sent me the convoy. We are here ten men present. I don't know who the other sepoys are. There are about two hundred men, and many unemployed men. No property was found on me. I do not know the Hoondeewala's name. But we engaged 50 men in Seerpoor. I don't know for certain, but men from Seerpoor were with us. They are from Marwar, but were engaged at Seerpoor. I did not see any one bring money in the jungle and among my men money was found on Lalla Maratha and Purrunsook."

Disturbances by Khandesh Bhils

(A Minute by Elphhistone)

P. D. Vol. 24 of 1858, Pages 9 to 11

Minute.-(On letter No. 448 of 15th March 1858, para 3). "It is an object of paramount importance to crush this dangerous Coalition of Wylayties (for I take it that the Arabs and Mekranees referred to in Mr. Mansfield's letter are the remains of the Dhar and Mundi-put insurgents) and of Bheels. So important do I consider it that I should not hesitate to adopt the measure suggested by Mansfield viz., to detain a way of Hills 71st. H. Lt. Inf. 7 now on their way to Mhow, if no other means can be found for reinforcing the column of native troops now employed in Khandesh.

But we must also remember that Mhow is a most important point. Looking to the not improbable contingency of a body of mutineers either from Kota or Jhansi or any place to the northward, making for the south that it should be held in strength. Holkar's mutinous troops though disbanded have generally escaped without further punishment. I have no doubt that large number of them are still at Indore and in its neighbourhood. Here there is the place where the Jhansi and Kota rebels would find friends and sympathisers. In the neighbourhood, there must be many discontented people, the retainers of forfeited States of Dhar and I think it most important that the force at Mhow should be sufficient to overcome these malcontents and if they commit any act of insurrection to punish them in the most summary manner.

I am, therefore, unwilling, if it can be avoided, to detain any portion of the 71st of Sindwa, even for a short time. I would, there-fore, recommend that in the first place Mr. Mansfield's letter be sent to the Commander-in-chief and that H. E. be requested to state if he can suggest any other means by which the force now on duty against the Bheels can be increased, and if not, if he considers that there would be any serious objection, bearing in mind the opinion expressed by Mr. Mansfield on the climate of Sindwa at this season, to the detention in that locality of a wing of the 71st for a fortnight or three weeks."

Disturbances by Khandesh Bhils

(A Minute by Elphinstone)

(Pages 285-295, No. 6511)

Minute.-"The efforts of the local authorities in Khandesh and Ahmednagar aided in the latter collectorate (or perhaps I should say superseded) by the dispatch of troops from Bombay and Poona have hitherto failed to put down the Bheel risings. The later accounts mention the plunder of villages, and of whole convoy of carts upon the high road to Mhow. One of these which was robbed on the 7th inst. consisted of sixty carts laden with opium. Each cart contains four chests. The value of the plunder therefore must have been nearly two lakhs of rupees. These carts were guarded or at least attended by one hundred peons-five of whom were wounded by the Bheels. The whole of them ran away leaving the carts to be plundered. Mr. Mansfield mentions that several other convoys of carts had been looted in the same locality.

The Nasik and Sinner Bheels under the Bhagojee Naik are said to have got in the neighbourhood of Khandesh. The following extract from a letter which I lately received from Mr. Mansfield shows the extent of the insurrection in Khandesh and also that there is no one on the spot who is capable of taking the direction of the campaign which must be carried on in order to support it.

" This state of things is most serious. There are six Naiks in this neighbourhood whose followers number upwards of two thousand. There is another body of equal number just above the Sindwa Ghaut plundering and robbing every body they can lay hold of. There are several bands in the hills bordering on Sooltanpore and before long I think the whole of the Hill Bheels from Barwapore and to Boorhanpore a distance of about 150 miles will be up. It is impossible to foresee the effect of these risings of the Bheels inhabiting the plains. They are generally a quiet inoffensive lot engaged in agricultural labours, but of course they have unquiet spirits among them, and I should not be surprised to hear of bands collecting for plunder."

Yawal Bheels Disturbance

(Pages 623 to 629, P. D. Volume 25 of 1858)

Khandesh Magistrate states that atrocities of Parsi Foujdar of Yawal moved the Bheels to rise in rebellion.

In Letter No. 604 of 1858, Mr. Mansfield, Magistrate of Khandesh, writes to Mr. Bettington, Commissioner of Police, about the misbehaviour of Parsi Foujdar of Yawal in regard to the specific charge of having cruelly and brutally mal-treated certain Bheel women and also about his general oppressive conduct. He writes that he was informed by a Native officer that certain Bheels stated that the tortures practised by the Foujdar of Yawal had driven them into insurrection.

Yawal Blieels Trial and Sentence

(Page 39 P. D. Vol. 37 of 1858)

Summary of a letter No. 691 of 1858 from Major Haselwood and Captain H. Birch Commissioners to H. L. Anderson, Esquire, Secretary to Government of Bombay, dated 18th October 1858:

It is reported in the letter that 13 prisoners (Nahal and Turvee Bheels) concerned in the depredations of the Yawal talooka have been tried for treason and two of them sentenced to death and others transportation for life.

Nagar Bheels and British Encounter

(Pages 539-544, Vol. 21 of 1858)

Extracts irom letter No. 144 of 1858 from S. Mansfield, Esquire, Magistrate of Khandesh to H. L. Anderson, Esquire, Secretary to Government, Secret Department, Bombay:-

Dated 25th January 1858.

"Sir,

I have the honour to forward for the information of His Lordship in Council a copy of a demi-official letter from my first Adjutant Mr. Neave giving an account of the disastrous affairs which occurred on the borders of the Khandesh and Nugar collectorates ".

" In letter dated January 21st, 1858, Nangaum, Mr. Neave writes in detail about the encounter with Bheels on the 20th January which ended in tailing to drive the Bheels out of their position ".

" Lieut. Stuart with 200 foot and 50 sowars and Captains Montgomery and Thatcher with 50 men of the 19th under Lieut. Fair-brother, jointly made an attack on Bheels as they received a report that Bheels had collected in the neighbourhood of Nandgaum ".

" The Bheels who numbered about 400 had taken up a very strong position in the bed of a river under cover of thick bushes, trees and poured in most deadly fire. Captain Montgomery was wounded in the first attack. Great many sepoys were knocked down in the second attack. Lieuts. Chamberlyne and Davidson of the 20th came up with 150 men and some sowars with rifles and third attack was made in which Lieuts. Chamberlyne, Stuart and Davidson were wounded. Therefore they withdrew. Lieut. Stuart died on 21st. Nearly 50 of the men of the 6th Aurangabad, 26th Co and 19th were killed and wounded. Among Bheels 25 were killed".

Trials of Bheeh-Nagar District

(Pages 57 and 76, P. D. Volume 35 of 1858)

Prisoner-

1. Jairam Wullud Sheevram.

2. Jairam Wullud Rama.

3. Tulpea Wullud Bahiroo.

Judgement.-" In passing sentence the Court is thrown back as stated in the Government Resolution recorded above on regulation XIV section XII of 1827 which states that the punishment for treason shall be death and confiscation of property."

This sentence the court are constrained by law to pass, but they do so in the full confidence that Government will transmute it into transportation for life.

Mahadeo Dongur Bheels attacked

(P. D. Volume 23 of 1858, pp. 181-182)

Extracts from a letter from the Commissioner of police to the Secretary to Government S. S., Bombay regarding Hurgee Naique and Puttojee Naique being attacked by Capt. Nuttal:—

"On the morning of the 19th the detachment commanded by Captain Pottinger and the Kolee levy by Captain Nuttal attacked the insurgent Bheels under Hurgee Naique and Puttojee Naique in the hills east of Mahadeo dongur. Killed thirty (30)/number of wounded not specified/took six prisoners and a number of women. The band has dispersed and left all their baggage behind. The loss on our side being only one killed and three wounded. It appears probable that Captain Pottinger was able to bring the mountain howitzers into action."

Bheel Naik Puttogee Surrenders

(Pages 459-464, P.D. Volume 25 of 1858)

In letter No. 17 of 1858 from Assistant Magistrate Mr. C. Gonee to the Magistrate of Poona, Mr. Duncan Davidson, dated 8th April 1857, the information regarding the surrender of Bheel Naik Puttogee is given.

In paragraph 4 he writes "Having promised to be advocate of Puttogee, I feel I may urge considerations which I would otherwise not presume to be mentioned. I am not certain that any overt act of rebellion can be judicially proved against him, though he has undoubtedly displayed an attitude hostile to government. But he is an old man and too old to hand and too old to be an active rebel leader". He is pleading the case of Puttogee and expresses his view that Puttogee should not be executed and others also might be influenced to surrender.

Bheel 'Band'-Nagar

(P. D. Vol. 21 of 1858, pp. 3, 4, 5, 6)

A letter from the Quarter Master General of the Army to H. L. Anderson, Secretary to Government, Secret Department, Bombay, dated 23rd January 1858:-

Sir,

In my letter No. 224, dated 12 instant, I had the honour by desire of His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief to submit to Government what appeared to his Excellency to be the best means of proceeding to suppress the Bheel bands on the Northern border of Khandesh in the Sautpoora range.........................

4. It would be superfluous to recapitulate what has take place in its Western districts of Nasik and Sinner where the Bheel bands recently ravaging them under Bhagojee Naik have been severely handled and checked by combined forces of Regular and Police.

5. The Eastern portion of the Zilla is especially the subject of present report and for its protection it is necessary to adopt immediate measures.

7. Its hills and jungly character enables a small body to elude and if needs be await the attack of weak detachments of troops with every hope of success.

8. Yesterday's Telegraph brought but an imperfect account of die serious conflict that had taken place on previous day between a small body of native Infantry and Police on one side and 400 Bheels from the Nizam's country on the other, but considering this with other daring attempts in the same quarter the necessity of adopting strong and immediate measures to punish and check die marauders is evident.

9. The officers wounded in that affair have been removed to Malligaum and Lieut. Thatcher with a small force is now posted in the neighbourhood of Munwar holding the Bheels in check as well as he can.

10. The Commander-in-Chief considers it best at once to appoint an officer to the special command of the military operations that may be necessary dining the next five months to preserve the Naggur Zilla from the inroads of marauders generally, and with the sanction of Government he proposes to appoint Captain Pottinger of the artillery to this duty.

11. The Eastern border just described being the quarter in most imminent danger at this moment it is proposed to order Captain Pottinger to Munwar at once for the purpose of assuring the direc-tion of operations at that point.

Bhagojee Naik at Nandoor

(P. D. Volume 28 of 1858)

Summary of report of Lieut. Thatcher, Assistant Superintendent of Police, regarding the fight with the Bheels in front of the- village of Nandoor Singotch:—

Bhagojee Naik who had risen against British Government in Khandesh, in collaboration with Kajee Sing, was heard of near Nandoor. On getting this information Lieut. Thatcher immediately demanded help from neighbourhood areas, and Captain Henry and Mr. Alexander Taylor joined him. Captain Henry took charge of the force and without listening to any advice determined to charge on Bhagojee Naik. Mr. Thatcher in his statement says, "My advice is to wait until reinforcement by Mr. Carr and the Thanna party will go and get above them ". But Captain Henry did not listen to this advice. He ordered Lieut. Thatcher to charge with him on Bhagojee Naik. In this skirmish Captain Heniy died of wounds. In this battle no decisive result occurred. Again Lieut. Thatcher remarks in his report, " Before concluding this statement I feel it only due to myself to state that the attack was made against over-whelming number; that I strongly dissuaded Lieutenant Henry from making it, and that the position of the enemy from a military point of view was as strong as could be conceived ". Mr. A. L. Taylor in Ins statements concurs with the statement of Lieut. Thatcher. Only thing that he added is that at the end the enemy's position was completely taken.

In 1862, Laling fort is mentioned as strongly situated, but with very few defences left. Sometime before 1862, Sindva fort[ Twenty miles north of Thalncr.] was restored to Holkar on condition of his building a bridge over the Gohi river. Under the British, the position of Jalgariv, on the high road from Asirgad to Bombay, and its central situation among the local markets of Neri, Jamthi, Savda, Faizpur, Dharanganv and Erandol, attracted traders and weavers, and before 1860, it could boast of more than 400 handlooms. In 1860, when the railway was opened, it remained for sometime the terminus, and rapidly increased in importance. During the American war (1862-1865), Jalganv be came the great cotton market of Khande's. However, at the close of the American war, jalganv suffered severely. But during 1877 and 1878 new cotton presses and a large steam spinning and weaving mill were opened. The Bombay Bank also had started a branch, at Jalganv.

Floods.

In 1872, on Sunday, the 15th September, the talukas bordering on the Girna and the Panjhra, suffered from a severe flood. At Dhulia on the Panjhra, rain began to fall steadily about noon on Friday the 13th, and continued heavily the whole of Saturday and the greater part of Sunday. Before Sunday morning, the river had a very high flood, sweeping over the Agra Road bridge, carrying away the solid stone parapet and the whole of the roadway, and in Dhulia destroying 500 houses chiefly in the division of the town known as Briggs Peth [A rest-house close to the bridge, built at a cost of Rs. 2,000, was entirely destroyed, and another was much damaged. The village of Devpur on the other side of the river entirely disappeared, and one man, a Gosavi, was drowned. A telegraph post near the bank of the river on the Dhulia side, was washed away and communications stopped. At seven in the morning the flood was at its highest, standing about forty-five feet above the level of the river bed. About three hours later, it began to fall and by noon most of the water in the town had subsided.]. On the Girna, rain began about midnight of the 13th (Friday) and continued till eleven on the night of the 14th, when a violent hurricane set in. About 11 O'clock on the morning of the 15th, the Girna began to overflow and the flood increased till, about half-past nine that night, the water was ten feet higher than it had ever been known to rise. Of 152 villages damaged by the flood fifty-six were altogether destroyed. Of the total number, fifty were on the Panjhra, thirty-two of them in Dhulia, six in Girna, forty of them in Pacora, thirty-six in Erandol, and twenty-six in Calisganv. [A vast amount of property both movable and immovable was lost. Numbers of dams, bandharas, and water channels and several large ponds, watering thousands of fields, were either completely destroyed or badly damaged. Exclusive of damage to soil, trees, crops and public works, the flood was calculated to have caused a loss of more than Rs. 16,00,000. Besides Bhils and other forest tribes, 5,493 families were left destitute.] For the first five or six days, trie destitute families were supported by private charity, receiving some help in the shape of grain from the balance of Khandes rice fund. [The earlier three floods of 1822, 1829 and 1832 had affected West Khandesh more and Relief Fund had been organised. The present grant (1872) to East Khandesh was from what remained of a former grant by the late Mr. Rustamji Jamsetji Jijibhai of Bombay, for the relief of famine.] But this supported only those in and around Dhulia. As reports of distress began to come in from different parts of the district, a public meeting was held at Dhulia, and a relief fund committee formed.[ Government placed at the Collector's disposal Rs. 20,000, Rs, 5,000 to be distributed free and Rs. 15,000 to which a further sum of Rs. 1,00,000 was afterwards added, to be given in advances or takavi. Private subscriptions amounted to as much as Rs. 35,435. Of this sum Rs. 34,895 were distributed among 1,492 families and Rs. 600 were spent in charity by the Collector and Rs. 69,739 were advanced to 1,164 persons.]

On the 6th July 1875, a sudden local rainfall so swelled the Arunavati, a tributary of the Tapi, that it flooded the town of Sirpur, the water in places standing six feet deep, damaging fifty two houses and destroying property of the estimated value of Rs. 32,000. On the 5th September 1876, the back water from a heavy flood in the Tapi overflowed its tributaries, the Girna, the Anjani, and the Arunavati causing much damage to crops.

General Progress

Still population was steadily increasing, and with the rise of prices , of produce (1856), the introduction of a lighter and more even assessment (1860-1866) and the opening of the railway (1863), large numbers came to Khandes. Compared with those of 1852 the census reports for 1872, showed a total of 1,028,642 souls for the whole of Khandes, or an increase in twenty years of nearly fifty per cent. The east and central parts were populous, but the south was thinly peopled. Khandes was one of the thinnest peopled parts of the Bombay Presidency.

Under the Director of Public Instruction and the Educational Inspector, North-eastern division, the schooling in the district was conducted by local staff. Before the opening of Government schools, every large village had a private school taught by a Brahman. Not being able to compete with the Government schools, these private institutions were confined to small villages which had no Government school. The first Government vernacular school was opened in the city of Dhulia in 1826 and the second was opened in 1843 at Erandol. Three years later, in 1846 a Marathi school was opened at Jamner. The first English School was opened at Dhulia in 1853. In 1864 the first girls school was opened at Dhulia.

The subsequent political history of Khandes district closely followed the pattern of the general political history of -India. The period that followed tire war of Independence of 1857 saw the gradual liberalisation of the attitude of the British in educational and cultural matters. The impact of Western education and through it, that of the ideals of political liberalism was profound on the Indian mind and the people of the district could not but respond to it. The cumulative effect was the establishment of the Indian National Congress in the year 1885, which demanded an increasing participation of the people in the administration of their country with more powers. These demands were only slightly con-ceded by the Councils Act of 1892. The Congress continued year after year pressing its demands. A section developed in the Congress favouring action rather than mere constitutional agitation. These developments were bound to have profound effect on the life of the people in the district. This section was headed by Lokmanya Tilak. Though the Congress attracted a majority of Indians towards its aims and ideals, it could not make much appeal to the Muslims. The English helped in perpetuating the separatist tendencies by following a policy of ' divide and rule; The strong regime of Lord Curzon intensified the desire of political advance among the people. At many places, this manifested itself in extreme form. The Dhulia district had its own share in this national awakening. The next step in the constitutional reforms undertaken by the British was the Morley Minto reforms of 1909[It may be noted here that in 1906 the district of Khandesh was divided into two districts called East Khandesh and West Khandesh with headquarters at Jalgaon and Dhulia, respectively.] The act increased tin- number of members in the executive councils of Bombay and Madras to 4, expanded legislative councils both at the centre and at the provinces and conceded the demand of the Muslims to have separate electorates. The act failed to satisfy the political aspirations of the people and political agitation continued. The result was the Montague reforms of 1919 which gave a greater measure of control to the provincial government over matters of local administration. The period that followed saw the emergence of a new personality on the political horizon of India viz., Mahatma Gandhi. It also saw a radical change in the approach to the political problems of India and the development of a new technique to fight it out. The principle of non-violent non-co-operation infused a new spirit in the body politic of India. The struggle for political freedom continued relentlessly against the British for well over 20 years under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. The eruption of the Second World War did not dampen the spirit of the Indian people to win their freedom. The Muslim League under the leadership of Jinnah could not reconcile itself with the outlook of Congress and put forward the two nation theory. The Quit India movement of 1942 was followed by the Wavell Plan, and the Cabinet Mission. they were unable to meet the demands of the Congress. Ultimately 'the British conceded the Indian demand for complete freedom in 1947 under the Mountbatten plan.

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