The Gazetteers Department

A vast Maratha army under the Peshwa's brother Raghunath- rao and cousin Sadashivrao, with Ibrahim Gardi's artillery, began the invasion of Nizam's territory, in the beginning of 1760. Nizam Ali made peace with the Peshwa in February 1760 by ceding the forts of Ashir and the city of Burhanpur, along with other territory, to the Marathas. [ Burn, o. c. 390-391, 413.] Nizam Ali invaded the Maratha country in November 1761, taking advantage of the ruin that fell on the Marathas at Panipat, followed by the death of Balaji Rao. When Nizam Ali came his way to within fourteen miles of Poona, the Peshwa [ Madhavrao I—Sardesai maintains that the defection in his forces created a serious situation for Nizam. Ali and he was compelled to beg for terms to secure his retreat—New History of the Marathas; II 467-68.]made peace on 2nd January 1762, relinquishing nearly half of his father's territorial gains in the Moghal Deccan. The lately ceded parts of Khandesh were restored to Nizam Ali. Nizam Ali, however, was forced to restore the territory to the Peshwa very soon. [ Sardesai, o. c. II, 480.]

The Maratha State had fallen on evil times. The Peshwa's house suffered the tragic fate, on account of internal dissensions between the Peshwa and his uncle Raghunathrao. On 26th March 1774, Raghunathrao effectively concentrated his artillery fire on the slender forces of Pethe, one of the prominent generals of the Poona Minister's party, near Kasegaon. [ Eight miles south of Pandharpur.] Crossing the Godavari in the middle of April, Raghunathrao fled via Burhanpur to the Narmada, hoping to engage the sympathies of Sindia and Holkar. Haripant Phadke could easily have overtaken the flying ex-Peshwa (Raghunathrao), had not his movements been severely impeded by the slow marches of his two allies, Sabaji and Nizam Ali. Haripant established his base at Burhanpur and won over a number of Raghunathrao's followers, who now began rapidly to desert him after the birth of the new Peshwa. Sindia and Holkar [ Mahadji Sindia and Tukoji Holkar.]succeeded after a great effort in persuading Raghunathrao to turn back and have a personal conference with the Ministers-Barbhais in the vicinity of Burhanpur. But he was an adept trickster.

After long hesitation Sakharam Bapu and Nana Phadnls, accompanied by large forces left for Burhanpur in the last week of November. At Burhanpur, earnest negotiations were conducted for a time, in the course of which Raghunathrao suspecting that he was going to be immediately seized, suddenly decamped on the night of 10th December and made for Gujarat.[ Sardesai, o. c. Ill, 48.] Ever since the murder of late Narayanrao Peshwa, Mostyn was in touch with Raghunathrao, preparing the ground for his gaining the British support. When Raghunathrao arrived at Burhanpur to negotiate with the Barbhais, he sent his agents to Mostyn at Poona in October 1774 and to Robert Gambier at Surat to negotiate terms for armed help. But before the transaction could be completed, he ran away from Burhanpur in December. Bapu and Nana returned from Burhanpur to Purandar in mortification. [ Sardesai, o. c. Ill, 49-50.]

Raghunathrao had moved to Thalncr and garrisoned it but the fort was soon after reduced by the Peshwa's troops.

Goddard's March 1779.

In his camp on the river Narmada, General Goddard commanding the Bengal force despatched by Warren Hastings, learned of the disaster that had befallen the British army at Wadgaon. Burning for revenge at this evil news Goddard hastened to Surat, [ In 1779, February, the English first appeared as a military power in Khandesh.] then the principal seat of the British power in the west with the resources of Gujarat at their disposal. The surrender of her husband at Wadgaon had equally grieved Anandibai then residing at Mandleshwar. She certainly kept a close contact with Goddard. as she travelled to Burhanpur to join her husband then on his way to Jhansi. Raghunathrao was extremely restless, chafing at the restraint he was now compelled to accept. He instigated some of his ardent followers, Manaji Phadke, Bajirao Barve, Keso Krishna Datar and others to gather their forces, in Khandesh, where some rebellious elements, such as the local Kolis, Gulzarkhan of Sultanpur, Khanderiio Pawar of Dhar, had been already creating trouble for the Poona Government. These activities gathered fresh impetus in the summer of 1779 as Raghunathrao reached the vicinity of Burhanpur in April and the bank of Narmada in May. [Sardesai, o. c. III, 87.]

In spite of the recent ravages, Colonel Goddard, on his march from Central India to Surat, had found Khandesh most prosperous. Many of the grain carts collected at Burhanpur were left behind by the speed at which the army moved (300 miles in nineteen days), and the troops had to depend for provisions on the villages along their line of march. [His keeper Hari Babaji was vigilant enough on the journey, watching the plans and activities of his prisoner (Raghunathrao), who had his own paraphernalia of troops, artillery, followere and travelling equipment. On the bank of Narmada, Raghunathrao, suddenly fired upon the guard, killed Hari Babaji in his tent and in the confusion that ensued, ran away for life along the southern bank. He was welcomed at Surat by Goddard who seemed to have been privy to the plan.—Sardesai, o. c., III, 88.] The supply was abundant, and the people, industrious, happy, and humane, did not fly from their villages, but voluntarily offered provisions and grain. For eighty miles west of Burhanpur the country was full of villages, fertile, prosperous and well tilled. [ Bom. Gaz. XII, c/f Account of Bombay, (1781), 289-90.]

When Goddard opened afresh the campaign against the Marathas, Nana Phadnis formed his plans in consultation with Mahadaji Sindia and Tukoji Holkar. These two generals moved towards Gujarat through Khandesh putting down the troublesome elements on the way, such as the Kolis, Chandrarao Pawar and others. Ganeshpant Behere and Visaji Appaji Athavale were the two Peshwa's commanders deputed by Nana to co-operate with Hojkar and Sindia. These were already working in Khandesh, where they fought several actions, in one of which Chandrarao Pawar, the youngest son of Udaji was killed in December 1780. Gulzarkhan of Sultanpur, Raghunath's ally, too was sufficiently humbled and made innocuous.[ Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, III, 101-102.]

Later, when Mahadaji retired to Malvva, he suggested to Nana Phadnls that in his grand scheme against the British in India, Holkar should hold Khandesh. [ Sardesai, o. c. III, 105.] Nana had accepted Mahadaji's plan of strategy. However, Tukoji had to go through Khandesh to support the Poona forces against Goddard in North Konkan. [ The remainder of the province of Malwa (handed over to Malharrao Hojkai) together with the whole of the Khandesh, had been, earlier, granted in Jaghir to Ramaji Sindia. Asiatic Annual Register (1803), 8. But because Tukoji Holkar and Ahalyabai Hojkar were not on good terms, Mahajl Sindia suggested to leave khandesh in the hands of Tukoji Hojkar, against Goddard.]

On 13th March 1795, the Nizam was defeated at Kharda by the Marathas. By the treaty that followed, the Nizam had to cede his Khandesh possessions to the Peshwa. A considerable portion of Khandesh was possessed by the Holkar family, having been divided among the Peshwa, Sindia and Holkar. The part left to the Peshwa was formed into a separate subha. This subha "included Gaulana, Khandesh proper, Meiwar, Bejagur, Pallne-raaur, Hindia." [Hamilton, Description of Hindostan, II, 95-96.]

Disturbances. 1796-1818.

The disturbances which followed the death of Peshwa Madhavrao II (1796), were two years later, increased by the disputes among the sons of Tukoji Holkar. Tukoji had passed away in his camp at Poona on 15th August, 1797, leaving behind his sons Kashirao, Malharrao, Vithoji and Yeshvantrao. Kashirao was the legal heir but was unfit to manage his affairs. Daulatrao Sindia with Bajirao IPs ready support managed to obtain control of Kashirao. The other three brothers united themselves in a common bond against Kashirao and having enlisted the support of Nana Phadnls, came out openly to deprive Kashirao of his position. Malharrao was killed by Daulatrao Sindia in a night attack. Malharrao's wife Jijabai, then a few months advanced in pregnancy, was removed for safety to the house of Kesopant Kunte, Holkar's agent in Poona. In due course she gave birth to a son who was named Khanderao. [ Sardesai, o. c. III, 331.

The Asiatic Annual Register (1803) maintains that Tuko'jl Hojkar had seven sons—Particulars of the genealogy and rise of the Ho]kar family—Supplement to the State papers—pp. 19-20.] Daulatrao managed to take possession of the lady and her child and kept them secure in his camp. But Vithoji and Yeshwantrao escaped, broke into fresh rebellion and took a life of brigandage. Yeshwantrao laid waste the Khandesh district.

At this time, the widows of Mahadajl Sindia were giving serious trouble to Bajlrao II and Daulatrao Sindia. [ Mahadaji Sindia left behind him three wives—Lakshmlbal, Yamunabai and Bhagirathibai, who demanded sufficient independent provisions to be ensured for their maintenance (end of 1797). Out of the three ladies, all having experience in military and administrative matters, Bhagirathibai was reported to be attached to Daulatrao's interests, while the other two were compelled by their distress to take up arms. A regular civil was was conducted for four years.—Sardesai, o. c. III 337-] The Peshwa and Daulatrao both considered Nana as the author of the trouble and decided to remove Nana from the scene altogether. They applied constant pressure to make him disgorge his treasure. Nana replied that he would make the stipulated payment to Sindia after he had left Poona and reached Burhanpur, on his way to Hindustan. Daulatrao urged that his troops would not move unless they were paid at once. Finally Nana was arrested by Daulatrao Sindia.

When Lakshmlbal and Yamunabai, the widows of Mahadajl Sindia marched on Poona, Daulatrao Sindia himself saw them and composed their ruffled spirits by arranging for their residence at Burhanpur. Yeshwantrao Holkar, taking advantage of the situation, had attacked Daulatrao's forces, plundered their camp and drove them from Khandesh. [ Sardesai, o. c. Ill, 356.]

Daulatrao Sindia left Poona at the end of 1800 and reached Burhanpur in the following February. Vithoji Holkar, too, was not idle. He carried fire and sword through Maharashtra. The region between Khandesh and the Krishna became one general scene of anarchy and chaos.[ Sardesai, o. c. Ill, 366.] The two brothers, Yeshwantrao and Vithoji practically destroyed all the vestiges of power which the Peshwa and his henchman Sindia exercised. On 16th April 1801, Vithoji was killed with horrid cruelty by the Peshwa.

The year 1802 opened with the resounding exploits of Yeshwantrao. His immediate purpose was to obtain possession of his nephew Khanderao from Daulatrao's custody. He had already secured Kashirao and kept him well guarded in the fort of Sendhwa. In obedience to Bajirao's command, Yeshwantrao now took up his residence at Thalner in Khandesh and pitched his camp on the bank of the Tapi. [ Sardesai, o. c. III, 369.

From this place, he began making representations to Bajlrao, first through Parashar Dadaji whom he deputed to Poona for obtaining satisfaction of his grievances. For speedv communication he established a special postal service. Raghuji Bhosle arrived at Poona and advised Bajlrao to effect an honourable compromise with Holkar.]

Finding that Bajirao did not pay heed to his demands, Yeshwantrao despatched two of his chiefs Fatehsinh Mane and Shahamat Khan to exact retribution from Bajirao's domains and soon moved south from Thalner himelf. Parashar and Ahalya-bal's trusted secretary Govindpant Ganti pleaded to Bajlrao on bent knees to pacify Holkar, lest some terrible calamity should happen. But no heed was paid to them. On the contrary, Sharjerao removed Khanderao Holkar and his mother to fort Ashirgad and kept them strictly confined with some of their followers in fetters, thus exasperating Yeshwantrao even more. Bajirao lurther issued orders confiscating the whole estate of the Holkars. [ Kardcsai, o. c. III, 369.]

Finding Bajlrao utterly impervious to his solicitations, Yeshwantrao moved south from Thalner again in April and learnt that some forces of Sindia had arrived at Burhanpur. Bajirao at this moment sent a personal emissary to Yeshwantrao asking him to return but without any reference to his demands. Yeshwantrao moved on, crossing the Kasarbari pass near Chalisgaon and sent humble respectful letters to the Peshwa, begging for justice, with presents of elephants and horses. Bajirao's only response was to ask him not to proceed further. [ The Peshwa evidently meant to gain time for the disciplined corps of Sindia to arrive. Yeshwantrao, however, detected this trick and pressed on to Godavari. Bajlrao became urterlv confused and implored Holkar's agent, Parashar, to persuade his master to return to the Tapi, promising that if he so returned his demands would be favourably considered and all his lands and property would be restored.—Ibid 370.]

Yeshwantrao's success at Hadapsar, Poona, on 25th October 1802 forced the beaten Peshwa to seek British aid. The treaty of Bassein followed on 31st December 1802 and the English marching on Poona, made Holkar retire and re-seated Bajirao as Peshwa on 13th May 1803. [ Bajirao's action in accepting British protection produced throughout Maharashtra, a general resentment and unrest, unsettling people's minds and their normal avocations. The Berads, the Bhils, the Ramoshis, the Kolis, the Pendharis and bands of unemployed roving classes, began their traditional depredations making life insecure everywhere.] Passing through Jalgaon district on his way north. Holkar ruined it as utterly as he had before ruined the other parts of Khandesh.

Sindia received the copy of the treaty contracted by Bajlrao, on the 9th January 1802, at Burhanpur, with an invitation to join the British in putting down the enemies of Bajlrao. Collins arrived in Sindia's camp on 27th February, but days passed without any result. During these parleys Sindia, Holkar, Bhonsle and other chiefs were busy organizing a grand coalition against the British, the news of which reached the Governor-General. On 4th May 1803, Sindia left Burhanpur and began his march to meet Bhonsle, who moved from Nagpur to meet Sindia.[ Holkar wrote to Raghuji Bhonsle on 23rd August 1803. "Instead of complying with my request you simply asked me to return from Khandesh to Chandwad. I at once came back. You know how during the last few months, I have been begging you for the restoration of the Holkar territories seized by Sindia. As soon as he satisfies this request, I am ready to join you. I await your reply at Bhikangaon". Sardcsai, o. c. Ill, 403 c/f Ait. Patr. 373.] But Sindia under the advice of Sharjerao failed to satisfy Holkar and did not release the territories he had seized. General Wellesley precipitated matters and managed to prevent Holkar from joining the allies.

The battle of Assai was fought on 24th September 1803 and it broke the power of Sindia and the Raja of Nagpur. [ Gopalrao Bhau (of Lakheri fame) and Vithalpant Bakshi of the Bhonsles were the principal commanders of the Maratha side. General Wellesley had secretlv learned and now took full advantage of the trouble Sind'5 had with his men on account of the non-payment of their wages.—Sardesai, o. c. III, 410. On reaching the place named by his spies, Wellesley, who was in advance reconnoitring with the picjuets, found that his spies had deceived him, and that with a force of little more than 5,000 men, he was face to face with the battle array of the whole Maratha army, holding a well chosen position of much natural strength in the delta between the Kaitna and the Juah, whose waters joined about three miles below the village of Assaye. Behind the deep rocky bed of the Kaitna, their line stretched from live to seven miles, with 30,000 of Sindia's cavalry massed on the right and the infantry on the centre and left, protected bv over 100 pieces of canon. Welleslcy's first plan was to attack the Maratha right. But in the narrower delta to their left, the Maratha cavalry could not act freely and to their left too were the Maratha infantry and artillcrv whose defeat was more likely to be effectual than a defeat of cavalry. For these reasons, when about noon, the troops came up, they were marched to the left of the Maratha line and under the protection of the British and the Peshwa's and Mysore cavalry, crossed the Kaitna at the unguarded fort of Pipnjgaon. The Peshwa's and Mysore cavalry remained on the right bank of the Kaitna to hold the Sindia horse in check. They had little or no share in the conflict. The force that crossed the Kaitna was not more than 4.500 strong. It included a detachment of Madras and a small detail of Bombay Artillery, the 19th Light Dragoons and the 4th, 5th and 7th Madras Native Cavalry, and the 74th and 78th Highlanders and six battalions of Madras sepoys. Nearly three hours were spent in crossing the stream. The Maratha infantry stood with an ease that said much for the discipline enforced by their European commanders. The British guns opened fire but were almost at once silenced. Leaving his guns General Wellcsley ordered an advance. The main body of the troops, charging the Maratha right, forced and captured the first line of guns and sweeping on, in spite of the fiercest opposition, captured the second line and then turning back, completely routed a body of the Marathas, who feigning death, as the first charge swept over them, had risen to their feet, seized and opened on the British some of the first captured guns. On the right, success was more doubtful. Under a mistake, the 74th Highlanders were led too close to the fortified village of Assaye, one company of one officer and fifty men being reduced to four rank and file. The first line of guns was taken. When the second battery opened, the 741I1 began to give way. Seeing their disorder, a cloud of Maratha Horse stole round the enclosures of Assaye and fell on their half-broken ranks. Col. Maxwell charged, every officer and man fighting as if on his arms alone victory hung. The cavalry cut through Sindia's lines. Against the fortified village of Assavc, General Wellesley in person, led the 78th, carried the guns and stormed the village at the point of the bayonet. Maxwell's cavalry dashed again on the half rallied troops and utterly routed them, but not without the loss of the British leader. It was now sunset. Fighting had lasted for six hours and the battle had raged for three. At noon a body of less than 5,000 men, wearied by a long sultrv march, had attacked a strongly posted well-trained army about ten times its number. At sunset that great army was routed, flying in broken scattered bodies, leaving behind them their stores and guns. Never was a battle fought under more desperate circumstances; never was victory more thoroughly won. The victory was dearly bought. Of the 4,500 British troops, 428 were killed and 1,138 wounded. General Wellesley, ever in the thick of the fight, had two horses shot under him, his orderly was killed by his side and hardly one of his staff escaped unwounded. The Maratha loss was not accurately known. It was estimated at -2,000 slain and about 6,000 wounded. Seven stands o� colours and ninety-eight pieces, many of them of fine ordnance, were taken by the British.—"The Maratha War". The Asiatic Annual Register for the year 1803, 43—44-] The shattered Maratha armies retired towards Burhanpur in order to defend their important posts together with its covering fort Ashirgad, from falling into British hands. General Wellesley sent Stevenson to seize these two places. Stevenson advanced upon Burhanpur and easily captured the place on 15th October as Sindia had not arranged for its defence. Thereupon Stevenson immediately appeared before Ashirgad, whose keeper surrendered the fort on 21st October on receiving cash to clear up the arrears of the garrison amounting to seven lakhs. [ Nine Europeon officers and some men of Sindia's service went over to the English, taking advantage of the proclamation which Wellesley had issued. However, the graves of some English Officers who died in this campaign are still shown at Karnaphata in Jamner.] After a further defeat at Adgaon (29th November 1803), Sindia was forced to sue-for peace. Under the terms of the treaty then made, part of his lands in Khandesh were restored to Sindia and part given to the Peshwa. [ On further repiesentation Burhanpur and Ashirgad were restored to Sindia. Sardesai, o. c. III, 418-419. The Treaty of Surji-Anjangaon was signed by Sindia on 30th December 1803.] Sindia further begged Malcolm to supply him with a British subsidiary force. For this a supplementary treaty was concluded on 27th February 1804 which is known as the Treaty of Burhanpur.

The war was continued against Holkar and his share of Khandesh was occupied by the British during September and October, 1804. The violent and aggressive policy of the Governor-General and his scheme of subsidiary alliances began to produce evil consequences. Sindia left Burhanpur and proceeded to join Holkar and to organise an anti-British confederacy. But Yeshwantrao Holkar, once more, was let down by Sindia who signed the Treaty of Mustafapur on 21st November 1805 with the British. Yeshwantrao gave up the contest and accepted the British overtures for putting an end to the war. Two British agents visited him in his camp where a treaty came to be concluded on 24th December which is known as the Treaty of Rajghat. The British guaranteed him his possession, south of Chambal. [ Sardesai, o. c. Ill, 436.]

Jalgaon district was now in a miserable plight. On account of the failure of rains, no harvest was reaped. In 1810, it was depopulated and the roads were not practicable except with a guard that might almost be called an army. Among the hills tribes, were the Bhils whose chiefs commanded the passes, where their power was considerable.[ Hamilton, Description of Hindostan, II, 96.] The whole range of hills was subject to these chieftains, who had not only the aboriginal Bhil race at their command but generally a few Arab and Hindustani soldiers, whom they retained to assist in enforcing contributions from merchants and travellers. [Ibid.] It was through these hills that marauders penetrated and escaped, while they were almost impassable to detachments of regular troops. Balaji Lakshman in 1804, tempting from the hills a large body of the Chandor Bhils, surrounded and massacred them. This action only made The Bhils fierce and the Maratha officers retaliated by most cruel massacres at Chalisgaon, Dharangaon and Antur. Unable to protect themselves, the chiefs and large landholders called in the aid of mercenaries. " Since the Maratha power began to totter, the greater part of the Khandesh province had been usurped by Arab colonists, who, in fact, without any premeditated scheme, were in a fair way of becoming paramount in Hindostan, having already all the petty chiefs, whom they served as mercenaries, more or less under their domination. " [ Hamilton, o. c. II, 97.]

There were also the Karnatak mercenaries, entertained by every petty proprietor, who had made themselves very obnoxious. Gulzar Khan Thoke, the holder of the strong fort of Lasur, [ Eight miles north-west of Chopda.] enlisted a body of Arabs to oppose them. Unable to pay or control his Arabs, he used to let them loose on the country round, till at last the other proprietors, entering into a league against him, bribed his Arabs to assassinate him in Lasur and his eldest son, Alliyar Khan in Chopda. A second son, Alif Khan, escaping from Lasur took refuge with Suryajirao Nimbalkar of Yaval. Returning to Lasur with some Karnatak mercenaries lent him by Nimbalkar, Ali Khan, on pretence of paying the Arabs their arrears, entered the fort and the Karnatak troops, seizing the Arabs, put them to death. Instead of being in possession of Eis fort, Ali Khan found that the Karnatak troops had orders to hold the fort for their master, Nimbalkar. Driven to despair Ali Khan allied himself with the Bhils and plundered without mercy. At last Nimbalkar agreed to give up the fort for a money payment of Rs. 10,000. [ This sum Captain Briggs advanced to the Thoke family and occupied the fort with British troops.—Bom. Gaz. XII, 454-55.]

Nasirabad, [ Six miles east of Jajgaon.] locally known as Sol Nimbhora, from its having sixteen villages under it, was several times plundered by the Sat-mala Bhils. In 1807 it was plundered by a freebooter named Juba, and again, just before the great famine of 1803, by one of Peshwa's officers. [ After this the village wall was built by one of the. Purandares to whom the town was given in grant.—Bom. Gaz. XII, 460.] Thalner [ Twenty-eight miles north-east of Dhulia.] was made over to Holkar by the Peshwa's but Holkar, in about 1800, pledged it to Nimbalkar.

Sultanpur [ About ten miles north of Shahada.] was a handsome town so late as 1803. The local story of the destruction of Sultanpur is that Yeshwantrao Holkar, escaping from Poona came near Sultanpur, then part of Holkar's dominions and forming an alliance with the Bhils, plundered such of the people as would not acknowledge him as their king. Among those who refused allegiance was Lakshmanrao Desai, the chief man of Sultanpur. Taking up his quarters at Chikli [ A village about six miles west of Sultanpur.] whose Bhil chieftain Jugar Naik was his friend, Holkar sent a letter to Lakshmanrao, calling on him to pay Rs. 500. Lakshmanrao replied hy scoffing at Holkar's caste and taunting him with illegitimate birth. Hearing of this and fearing Holkar's vengeance, Kriparam Dagaram, a rich banker, went to Holkar and offered him the tribute of Rs. 500. Satisfied by this that he might rely on a party in Sultanpur, Holkar, with his Bhil ally, entered the town and winning over the garrison, plundered the Desu's house. Then the Bhils were let loose, the town was laid waste and except one man all the people fled. [ Bom. Gaz. XII, 471-72.] Raver, too, was ravaged by Yeshwantrao in 1800 and was shortly after taken by Suryajirao Nimbalkar. [ Ibid, 468.] In the ruin that fell on the Khandesh in 1803, Dhulia was utterly deserted. In the following year Balaji Balvant, a dependent of Vithal Narsihg Vihchurkar, repeopled the village and in return received from Vinchurkar a deed granting him certain lands and privileges. [ The deed states that the district had been ruined, first by rebels and then bv a famine, that the few inhabitants had fled, that the country round was overgrown with brushwood; and that Balaji had cleared the thickets and brought traders and husbandmen to settle, had helped them with money to build houses, had established a mart and in other respects made the town habitable.—Bom. Gaz. XII, 442 c/f Mr. Pollen, c. s.] At the same time the fort was repaired. Being afterwards entrusted with the entire management of the districts of Sohgir and Lalihg, Balaji Balvant fixed his headquarters at Dhulia and continued to exercise his authority till in 1818, the country passed to the British.

In 1816 a new enemy fell on Khandesh. The Pendharis, under the guidance of the Musalman Bhils of the eastern hills, entered by the Ashirgad pass and with no troops to harass them plundered at leisure, causing more misery than either the Bhils or Arabs. In 1816, every village in the neighbourhood was in ruins. The Pendhari leader, Ghodji Bhonsle, even in the early years, had plundered Gandhi, [ Six miles north-east of Amajner.] the first place of the Gujarat Shravak Vanis in Khandesh. But the year 1817 had dawned and the British Government were feverishly preparing for operations against the Pendharis. [ Sardesai, o. c. Ill, 470, 480. During the two years 1815 and 1816 the Pendharis had traversed the whole of Peninsular India twice.] The Governor-General opened the campaign on 16th October 1817. Lieutenant Davies with a body of the Nizam's horse, dispersed and drove the Pendharis from Khandesh. Chitu, the most formidable of the Pendhari chiefs was hunted with restless and relentless vigour until he was driven into a jungle near Ashirgad, where he was devoured by a tiger. [ Sardesai, o. c. Ill, 483.]

Still the district was in great disorder. The condition of Khandesh was highly anarchical, 'almost unexampled', as Elphinstone observed, 'even in Asia'. [ Shashi Bhushan Chaudhuri, "Civil Disturbances during the British Rule in India (1765-1857)", 157. c/f Elphinstone's letter to T. H. Villiers (pp. 1831-32 [commons], Vol. XIV, paper 735-VI, p. 154).] Thus driven by war and pestilence of the plains against which there was no protection, the Bhils became refractory by temperament, and retired to their mountain fastnesses where they entrenched themselves strongly under the leadership of their chiefs, in 'hive-like habitations' crested at the top of each hill, throwing strong defences around. This being the situation, the occupation of Khandesh by the British in 1818 was calculated to increase the restlessness of the people. Graham noted with characteristic accuracy, smarting also under the repeatedly broken pledges of the former Native Government, and rendered savage from the wholesale slaughter of their families and relations, the Bhils were more than usually suspicious of a new government of foreigners, and less than ever inclined to submit to the bonds of order and restraint. [ Historical sketch of the Bhil Tribes of Khandesh (1843), 4. Chaudhuri, o. c. 157]

In the north, the Satpudas were the nest of these disaffected Bhils, in the south, Satmala and Ajintha Bhils in different organised groups were led by 32 leaders, and started up in every direction with fire and sword. In the insurrection of 1817, in Khandesh, the complicity of Trimbakji was suspected by the British authorities. It appears that after his escape from the fort of Thana, he sought security in the Bhil settlements and excited a rising there by engaging the Bhils in their predatory incursions. Elphinstone put pressure upon the Peshwa to secure the seizure and arrest of the rebel minister, but Bajirao asserted that Trimbakji had never been with the insurgents, to which Elphinstone was obliged to reply: "Many persons had seen Trimbakji, and that his two nephews, Godaji Dehgle and Malupa Dehgle were now at the head of the insurrection in Khandesh, and that the number of the insurgents was about 8,000. [ Chaudhuri, o. c. 157.] "

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