HISTORY

MUSLIM PERIOD

 1295-1760 TRIBUTARY 1295—1312.

TRIBUTARY: 1295.1312.—Towards the close of the thirteenth century (1295) 'Ala-ud-din Khilji, the nephew of the Delhi Emperor, Jalal.ud.din Firuz, suddenly appeared before Devgiri. Fortune favoured him as the greater part of the Yadav army was absent with Ramchandra's wire and eldest son, Sankara, who were performing a pilgrimage. The Yadav ruler was forced to pay tribute. Khandesh was at that time held by a chief styled the Raja of Khandesh who would seem to have been the Chohan ruler of Asirgad. [ Briggs, Ferishta, I, 307. The Khandesh chief is referred to as having an army of 40,000 or 50,000 men under him. Ramdev Rao expected help from Khandesh against Ala.ud.din Khilji—Briggs, Ferishta I, 309.] On his way back to Delhi Ala-ud-din overran Khandesh. He conducted his march with such address that he opened his way through extensive and powerful kingdoms which included Khandesh. "In this march, though surrounded by hostile armies, yet owing to the great order and regularity, as well as courage, displayed by his troops, they made little impression.'In history, "there is scarcely anything to be compared with the resolution in forming the plan, the boldness of its execution, or the great good fortune which attended its accomplishment". Ala-ud-din took Aslrgad and destroyed all the members of the chief's family except one. [The Taks, a branch of the Parmar Rajputs, held the Asirgad fort from the beginning of the ninth to the close of the tenth century, Several times, during these two hundred years, the 'Tak from Asirgad' is mentioned by the Rajput poet Chand, as fighting for the defence of Chitod against the Musalmans. In 1025 the fort was taken by Ishtapal the founder of the Haras. Ishtapal's great grandsons, Hamir and Gambhir, are enrolled among the 108 great vassals of Prithuraj, the Chohan ruler of Ajmir. By 1295, Ala.ud.din Khilji, returning from his raid into the Deccan, took Asirgad and except Prince Rainsi whose descendants were after the Rajas of Haranti, put all the Haras to the sword—Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, II, 368.69.]

For some years no Musalman troops were stationed in the whole of Deccan and in 1306.07, Ala-ud-din had observed that Ram. chandra, for three successive years, failed to remit the revenues to Delhi. Karan, the Raja of Gujarat, had not remained an idle guest of Ramchandra, but had rebuilt the town and fortress of Nandurbar and ruled, as Ramchandra's vassal, a small principality, in the Khandesh area. [ The Wife of Raja Karan of Gujarat, Kamala Devi, longed for the society of her daughter, Deval Devi, who had been carried off by her father to Decgiri and Malik Naib was instructed by Ala.ud.din to secure her and bring her to Delhi— Haig, Cambridge History of India, Turks and Afghans, III, 112.] In 1306 when firmly established at Delhi, Ala-ud-din sent his general, Malik Kafur to re.impose his tribute on Ramchandra. Malik entered Deccan [ Malik Kafur stopped for sometime in Sultanpur, but could not make any impression on the local chiefs.] and joining the forces of Alp Khan, Governor of Gujarat, who had been ordered to co.operate with him, attacked Karan, who for two months offered a most determined resistance. [ Deval Devi, however, was after capture, escorted to Delhi by Alp Khan, where she joined her mother and was married, in the summer of 1307, to Khizr Khan, the king's eldest son—Haig, o. c. Ill, 113; Briggs, o. c. I, 368; Walter Elliot, Hindu Inscriptions, Jour, Roy. Asiatic Society, Vol. IV (1837), pp. 26, 30-31.]

Unable to resist the Musalman army, Ramchandra submitted. Malik Kafur appointed Muslim officers to administer the province. Ramchandra was taken to Delhi, and was received into high favour and on doing homage, was made "Rai-i-Rayan" (Chief of Chiefs) and was invested with the Government of a larger territory than he formerly had.[ Briggs, o. c. I, 369.]

Ramchandra did not neglect to send the annual tribute to Delhi during his lifetime. [ Briggs, o. c. I, 369.] However, peace was broken, when, in 1312, his son gankar Dev (Shankal Deo) withheld his tribute. He was defeated and slain. The country was laid waste and Devgiri was made the centre of the Musalman rule. [Ibid, 379.] However, Harpal Dev, a son.in.law of Ramchandra, proclaimed himself independent and occupied most of the fortified posts established by the Muslims. The news of the rebellion everywhere augmented the emperor's disorder and he died on January 2, 1316. In the disorders that followed Ala.ud.din's death, the Marathas revolted (1316). The revolt was put down in 1318 by the emperor, Mubarik Khilji and the Musalman power was re.established. [ Harpal Dev was made prisoner, flayed alive, decapitated, and his head fixed above the gate of his own capital—Ibid, 389.] Mulik Beg Luky was appointed to command in the Deccan and a chain of posts was established throughout the province. Two years later (1320), the Marathas threw off their allegiance, again, on the murder of Mubarik Khilji. The further attempt of Ghias-ud-din in 1322 to bring the country to peace and order was a miserable failure. However, the second expedition of his in 1323 was more successful and the Deccan was thoroughly subdued, under Muhammad Tughluk's strong rule.[Ibid, 413.] In 1338, Baha-ud-din the emperor's nephew, known more generally by his original name of Kurshasp, revolted and this brought the Emperor to Devgiri. The emperor was so pleased with the situation and strength of Devgiri and considered it so much more a central place than Delhi, that he determined to make it his capital. [Ibid, 419.] But the disorders everywhere caused by his reckless cruelty prevented the scheme from succeeding.

BAHAMANI KINGS.

In 1347, this part was seized by the rebel nobles and finally, in 1351, passed into the hands of Hasan Gangu, the founder of the Bahamani dynasty. [ Griggs, o. c. I, 440.441.] When in 1346, the Deccan nobles had revolted, Imadul-Mulk, Governor of Berar and Khandesh, abandoned his province and retired to Nandurbar, then went to Gujarat. [Under Muhammad Tughluk's Government, Khandesh was part of the charge of an officer stationed at Elichpur in Berar.] The Berar officers had joined the revolters and as the revolt itself was successful in the end and the Bahamani kings were acknowledged (1351) as independent kings, no part of Khandesh remained under the Delhi kings. The limits of the Bahamani kingdom are not clearly laid down, but it appears that it did not pass north of the Purna. Khandesh had passed under the powerful Ashirgad chief. [ Though the name of the Chief, Asa the Ahir, may be taken from legends, there seems no sufficient reason to doubt the main facts of the story that the Faruqis found Ashirgad in the hands of a Yadav or Ashlr chief. Briggs, o. c' IV, 280.]

The Faruqis 1370-1600 Malik Rajah 1370-1399.

MALIK RAJAH: 1370—1399. The first person who assumed inde. pendence in the province of Khandesh was Malik Rajah, [ A young Arab of high family, "Mullik Raja, the first Mahommedan ruler of Khandesh, is descended from the Caliph Oomer Farook, and traces his pedigree thus: Mullik Raja, the son of Khan Jehan, the son of Ally Khan, the son of Oothman Khan, the son of Simeon Shah, the son of Ashab Shah, the son of Armain Shah, the son of Ibrahim Shah of Bulkh, the son of Adhum Shah, the son of Ahmad Shah, the son of Mahmood Shah, the son of Azib Shah, the son of Asghur, the son of Mahomed Ahmud, the son of Imam Nasir Abdoola, the son of Oomer.ool.Farook, entitled Khuleefa or representative of the last of the prophets".] the son of Khan Jehan Faruqy, whose ancestors were among the most respectable nobles at the Delhi court, in the reigns of Ala-ud-din Khilji and Muhammad Tughluk.

Malik Ahmad or Malik Rajah, the founder of principality of Khandesh was not, however, a rebel against the King of Delhi, but against the Bahamani dynasty of the Deccan. In 1365, he joined. the rebellion of Bahram Khan Mazindarani against Muhammad I, the second king of the line, and when he was compelled to flee from the Deccan established himself at Thalner, on the Tapi. [ Haig. o. c. Ill, 194.] Being excessively addicted to the chase and having attracted the notice of some of the courtiers on a hunting party, while he attended the king, he was admitted into the Gholam Khas, or the lifeguard of Firuz Tughluk. Sometime after this, in reward for timely help given to the Emperor Firuz Tughluk in a Gujarat hunting party, the districts of Thalner and Karanda were granted to Malik Rajah Faruqy. [ The Emperor followed an antelope for 26 or 28 miles, and his attendents excepting one or two, were left behind. The Emperor and his steed were completely exhausted. Far removed from the camp and with his horse jaded, it appeared improbable that he could reach it for many hours. At this moment Malik Rajah appeared on the scene. He was asked if anything could be procured to eat. He replied that he carried some game and if His Majesty pleased, he would instantly strike a light and dress it. The Emperor, upon learning that Malik Rajah was the son of the late Khan Jahan, an officer of respectability, resolved to promote him; and at the very first durbar raised him to the rank of an officer of two thousand horse, and shortly afterwards conferred on him the districts of Talner and Kuronde—Briggs, o. c. IV, 281.]

By 1382, he had conquered the surrounding country and ruled his small territory as an independent prince, but he and his successors were, for some generations, content with the title of Khan, from which circumstance their small principality became known as Khandesh, "the country of the Khans". His dynasty was distinguished by the epithet Faruqi, from the title of the second Caliph, Umar.al.Faruq, or " The Discriminator", from whom Ahmad claimed descent. [ Haig, o. c. Ill, 294.] Malik Rajah marched with his force to his frontier and reduced Baharji, the Chief of Baglan.

On his return, he sent the Emperor five large elephants and ten small, besides a quantity of pearls and jewels. He covered the elephants with velvet harnesses, embroidered with gold and sent several camel.loads of muslins and other manufactures of Khandesh. Firuz Tughluk observed that the very duty which the Governor of Gujarat ought to have performed long ago had been fulfilled by Malik Rajah. He was in consequence, honoured with the title of Sipah Salar [ Commander.in.chief—Briggs, o c. IV 282.] of Khandesh and raised to the rank of a commander of three-thousand horse. In the course of a few vears, he could muster twelve thousand horse and levied contributions from the "Rays of Gondwana as far as Gurra Mundla", and such was his fame that the Rajah of Vijayanagar, notwithstanding the distance, established friendly relations with him.

A short time before the arrival of Malik Rajah at Thalner, it happened that famine raged in Khandesh. The state of Khandesh was wretched and not more than two or three thousand individuals of the Koli and Bhil tribes escaped its effects. The only prosperous part of the district was near Ashlrgad. Asa, the king of Ashirgad had at this time many storehouses in Khandesh, which his agents opened in order to sell the corn; but his wife, who was of a charitable disposition, prayed her husband to allow the grain to be served out to the poor without payment. [ It was to assist them, also, that he was induced to have the old walls of the town of Asir levelled, and to cause a fort to be built in masonry, by which means, he employed many labourers—Briggs, o, c. IV, 288. This work went bv the name of the fort of Asa Aheer, and was afterwards called Aseer.] He also distributed food to the aged and decrepit, who were unable to perform manual labour. When Malik Rajah assumed authority over all Khandesh, Asa, being a peace-loving and unambitious man, was the first of all the landholders to acknowledge fealty to him, and moreover, presented him with many things which he required on the establishment of his family.

However, Malik Rajah very soon saw that a fortification like that of Ashir, in the centre of his province, would enable its chief to shake the very foundation of his Government, but he felt himself under too many obligations to Asa to wrest the fort by force out of his hands. [ Briggs, o. c. IV, 287.88. Ain.i.Akbari gives a slight different version. "Formerly this country was desolate, except that a few people inhabited Aseer, which was their place of worship, and called Asootahma (Ashvatthama). It is said that Mullick Rajee, from whom Bahader was the ninth in descent, through the versatility of fortune, came from Bundur to this country, and settled in the village of Keerandey, dependent upon Tahleenir. But being molested by the natives, he went to Delhi and entered the service of Sultan Feeroz. As he was an expert huntsman, the king was pleased with him and told him he should have anything he could wish for. Upon this he obtained the grant of the village of Keerandey. By his prudent management, he peopled the deserted lands, and brought them into cultivation—Francis Gladwin, Ayeene Akbery, 344]

"After the death of Firuz Tughluk, when Dilawar Khan Ghory assumed independence in Malwa, an intimate connection took place between the latter and Malik Rajah, so much so, that Dilawar Khan, gave his daughter in marriage to Malik Nasir." [ Briggs, o. c. IV, 282.] the son of Malik Rajah. At this time, Muzaffar Shah of Gujarat had declared himself independent, and some internal commotions subsequently arising, Malik Rajah relying on the support of Dilawar Khan, invaded Gujarat province and laid waste Sultanpur and Nandurbar. Muzaffar Shah, though engaged in reducing the Hindus in his own kingdom, advanced by forced marches, and defeating Malik Rajah, drove him back to Thalner and laid siege to his fort. The most accomplished and learned men were sent by Malik Rajah to negotiate peace. As Muzaffar himself was anxious to be on friendly terms with him, he did not further press his advantage. After this, for the rest of the six years of his rule (1394—1399) Malik Rajah confined his military operations entirely to his own country and was indefatigable in promoting the arts of civilization and of agriculture.

Malik Rajah had become the disciple of the holy saint Zain-ud-din of Daulatabad and from him, had received the "garb of desire and assent", and this, so long as the dynasty lasted (1370—1600), was carefully handed over from ruler to ruler. [ Bahadur, the son of Rajah Ali Khan, the last of the independent rulers of Khandesh, possessed this precious relic.] Before his death Rajah had sent his two sons, Malik Nasir [ Malik Nasir is mentioned as Ghereeb Khan in Ayeene Akbery—Francis Gladwin, Ayeene Akbery, 344.] and Malik Iftikhar. [ Malik Iftikhar is mentioned as Hasan by Lieutenant Colonel Sir Wolseley Haig,—The Cambridge History of India, Turks and Afghans, III, 296. ] To the former he gave the "garb of desire and assent and nominated him his successor. On his younger son, he bestowed the fort and district of Thalner. Malik Rajah died in April 19, 1399 [ Ferishta mentions the date as April 28, 1,399—Briggs, o. c. IV, 283.] and was buried at the town of Thalner after a reign of tewnty.nine years.

Malik Nasir 1399-1437.

MALIK NASIR: 1399—1437. During the last three years of Malik Rajah's reign and the first nine years of his successor's, the famous Durgadevi famine laid the Deccan waste. [ No special reference to the sufferings in Jalgaon district has been traced. But it seems probable that this was the famine which Ferishta placed thirty years earlier.] In the reign of Malik Nasir, this family greatly extended its power. Malik Nasir. also assumed the ensigns of royalty. Learned men were invited from all parts and literature was much promoted. He received from the King of Gujarat the title of Khan, and caused public prayers to be read in his name, realising the wish that his father carried with him to the grave, namely, that of assuming the royal pavilion and canopy. He had received the eastern parts and the western districts had been given to Malik Iftikhar. [ Briggs, o. c. IV, 286,]

Malik Nasir, when he succeeded to the Government, received many personal favours from Asa and knew from his peaceable disposition that he would never give him a plea to attack him. He, however, resolved to seize Ashir and to make it his capital, and adopted the following plan to. carry his scheme into effect. "He sent a letter to Asa, saying, that the Rajahs of Buglana (Baglan) and Antoor (Antur) had collected large forces, and that they did not conduct themselves to him in the manner they had done to his father, the late Malik Rajah. The Rajah of Kehrla also threatened him. The fort of Talnere (Thalner), he said, agreeably to his father's will, was in possession of his brother, Mullik Iftikhar, and that Lulling was situated too near his enemies to offer him a safe retreat; he begged, therefore, that his family might be received into Aseer. Asa willingly consented; and ordering suitable apartments to be fitted up for the reception of Mullik Nuseer's ladies, directed that every attention should be paid to them. On the first day several dolies [ Covered litters, like palanquins for the conveyance of females and sick persons.] with women came into the place and visited by Asa's wife and daughters. On the second day a report arrived that two hundred dolies, filled with the wife, mother, and the rest of Mullik Nuseer's family, were coming. Asa accordingly ordered the gates to be thrown open to receive them, and went with all his sons a considerable way from the female apartments to meet them, but what was his astonishment, when, instead of women, he found the dolies filled with armed soldiers, who leapt out and murdered him with the whole of his family, not leaving a male child of his race. The inhabitants of the fort were so dismayed that they fled with their families from the scene of such horror. Mullik Nuseer, who was at this time in the fort of Lulling, on hearing of the success of his plan, repaired to Aseer, and employed himself in strengthening the fortifications". [ "It is, however, a well authenticated fact, that the property of Asa was never appropriated by any of the Farooky dynasty to their own use; and all the money and jewels taken on this occasion fell into the hands of Akbur Padshah, when he marched to the southward and took the fortress of Aseer, two centuries afterwards"—Briggs, o. c. IV, 290.] Malik Nasir made Ashir his headquarters, strengthening its defences. Shortly after, Sheikh Zain-ud-din, the spiritual guide of his family came to congratulate Malik Nasir on his success. On his advice two cities were built on the Tapi, one on the east bank called after himself Zainabad, the other, afterwards the capital, on the west called Burhanpur after Sheikh Burhan.ud.din of Daulatabad. [ Zcin.ud.din proceeded to congratulate Malik Nasir with a number of his disciples and pitched his tents on the eastern lank of Tapi. Malik Nasir himself with his family, arrived on the western bank to receive the saint. Going over the river, Malik Nasir endeavoured to persuade the Sheikh to return with him to Asir; but he declined doing so, as he said he had not permission to cross the Tapi. After remaining some time in their respective encampments on the western and eastern banks the Sheikh desired to take his leave; but Malik Nasir begged that he would condescend to accept of an estate in Khandish. The Sheikh answered, that dervishes had no occasion for estates; but begged of Malik Nasir to build a town on the eastern bank of the river and call it after himself, Zeinabad (Jehanabad, and a city on the western, where he was himself encamped, to be called Burhanpur, in honour of the famous Sheikh Burhan.ud.din of Daulatabad; and he recommended also that he should make the latter his capital, both of which towns were accordingly built; and Burhanpur afterwards became the capital of the Faruqy dynasty—Briggs, o. c. IV, 291.]

The division of the territories, however, of so small a state, between the two brothers, held no promise of permanence, and in 1417, the elder brother, Nasir, having obtained assistance from Hushang of Malwa, who had married his sister, captured Thal. ner, and imprisoned Hasan [ Hasan was kept prisoner in Ashirgad.] before a reply could be received to the latter's appeal for aid to Ahmad of Gujarat. Ghizny Khan, the son of Sultan Hushang and nephew to Malik Nasir, bad arrived with five thousand horse from Malwa to support Malik Nasir. Malik Nasir, with a view to forestalling Ahmad's intervention and to repairing the discomfiture of his father, who had made an unsuccessful attempt to annex the south-eastern districts of the kingdom of Gujarat, attacked Nandurbar. [ Haig, o. c. Ill, 297] and invested the fort of Sultanpur. Ahmad Shah of Gujarat marched the whole of his army to the south and sent a very considerable detachment under Mullik Mahmood Toork in advance. On hearing this Ghizny Khan fled, to Mandu and Malik Nasir retreated to Thalncr wherein he was closely besieged by Mullik Mahmood Toork. Being deserted by the Prince of Malwa and reduced to the extreme distress in Thalner, Malik Nasir made overtures to some of Ahmad Shah's ministers with such success, that Ahmad Shah not only accepted the presents which be sent him. but in return bestowed on him the white canopy and scarlet pavilion and honoured him with the title of Khan, which he assumed ever. after. Malik Nasir's brother Hasan retired to Gujarat, where he and his descendants for generations found a home and intermarried with the royal house. [ Ibid.]

From this treaty dates the estrangement between Khandesh and Malwa, which had hitherto been allies. Nasir Khan resented Hushang's failure to support him adequately against Ahmad Shah and friendly relations were broken off. In 1429 Nasir, in spite of the old animosity of his house towards the Bahamanis, attempted to form an alliance with the Deccan by giving his daughter in marriage to Alaud-din Ahmad, son of Ahmad Shah, the ninth king of that dynasty. [ Ibid ; Briggs, o. c. IV, 293.] But the union engendered strife, as together they made an attack on Gujarat. This, like the previous attempt, failed. The king of Gujarat, however, had discovered that the real culprit was Hushang's son, Ghizny Khan, who had not only instigated Nasir to invade the district but had supplied him with troops. [ Haig, o. c. III, 298.] Nasir was pardoned on receiving from him double tribute and promises of better behaviour.

In 1429, Kanha, Rajah of Jhalawar, fled from his state and took refuge with Nasir Khan of Khandesh, who, not being strong enough to protect him, sent him to the court of Ahmad Shah Bahamani at Bidar, who dispatched a force into Khandesh to ravage the country. This force was expelled by Gujarat army whereupon Ahmad of Deccan sent an army under his son Ala-ud-din Ahmad to invade Gujarat and re-establish Kanha in Jhalawar. This army was joined by Nasir Khan of Khandesh. Against the allied forces, Ahmad Shah of Gujarat sent an army under his eldest son, Muhammad Khan. Nasir and Kanha were defeated and fled into Khandesh. [ Rajah Kanha was compelled to take refuge in the Khandesh hills. Briggs, o. c. IV, 294; Haig, o. c. III, 299.] Muhammad Khan of Gujarat, perceiving that it would be useless to besiege Daulatabad, laid waste part of Khandesh and retired to Nandurbar.

Nasir Khan involved himself in hostilities with the Deccan. His daughter had complained that her husband Ala-ud-din Ahmad, who had succeeded his father in 1435, was neglecting her for a beautiful Hindu girl, and Nasir, to avenge his daughter's wrongs, invaded Berar, the northernmost province of the Baha. mani kingdom. [ Ferishta mentions that Nasir Khan attacked the Bahamani territory at the instance of the king of Gujarat—Briggs, o. c. IV, 294.] His son.in.law sent against him a large army under Khalaf Hasan, [ Ferishta mentions Mullik.oot.Toojar as the offcer who defeated Nasir Khan. Burhanpur was completely sacked—ibid, 294.91;.] who defeated him at Rohankhed and drove him into his frontier fortress, Laling, where he besieged "him. Nasir Khan, joined by a large force under his nobles, made a sortie, but suffered a severe defeat, died on September 20, 1437, [ Nasir Khan died after a reign of forty years. He was buried by his son in the family vault at Thalner by the side of his father, Malik Rajah. However, Ferishta mentions the date of his death as September 19, 1437—ibid; Haig, o. c. III, 300.] and was succeeded by his son, Adil Khan I. Khalaf Hasan, hearing that a force was advancing from Nandurbar to the relief of Laling, retired to the Deccan with his plunder, which included seventy elephants and many guns. [ Ibid.]

Miran Adil Khan 1437-1441.

MIRAN ADIL KHAN: 1437—1441. Miran Adil Khan, [ Adil Khan I.] instantly wrote pressing letters to the kings of Malwa and Gujarat for aid. The Gujarat army shortly after arriving at Sultanpur compelled Mullik-oot-Toojar, the Deccan general, to raise the siege of Laling and to retreat into the Deccan. After this, Miran Adil Khan reigned for about three years and suffered martyrdom [ briggs implies that this expression of Ferishta suggests assassination. Miran lies buried at Thalner by the side of his father—Briggs, o. c. »IV, 296.]in the city of Burhanpur, on Friday, 28th April, 1441.

Miran Mubarak. 1441-1457.

MIRAN MUBARAK: 1441—1457. Miran Adil Khan was succeeded by his, son Miran Mubarak [ Mubarak Khan.]and all that we know of his his tory, is, that he reigned without undertaking any foreign conquest or drawing upon himself the hostility of his neighbours, for a period of 17 years. He died on 5th June, 1457, [ Ferishta gives the slightly different date, namely, May 17, 1457—Briggs, o. c. IV, 297.] when he was succeeded by his son, Adil Khan II.

Adil Khan 1457-1501.

ADIL KHAN II: 1457—1501. Adil Khan II [ Also called Meeran Ghunv.] was one of the most' energetic and most powerful rulers of Khandesh. He consolidated his authority in that region, and extended it over the neighbouring chiefs, over Gondvan and Garha Mandla; he suppressed the depredations of the Kolis and Bhils, thus ensuring the safety oftravellers in his dominions, and carried his arms as far as Jhar. khand, the modern Chhota Nagpur, from which circumstance, he is known as Jharkhandi Sultan. [ Haig, o. c. III, 313.]

Adil Khan II 1457-1501.

He strengthened Ashirgad and constructed the strong outwork called Malaigad; he also built the arch, or citadel of Burhanpur and raised many magnificent palaces of that town. [ Briggs, o. c. IV, 298.] It was in con. sequence of the great strength which he had acquired that he assumed the title of Forest King, Shah.i.Jharkhand, and was induced, contrary to the practice of his ancestors, not only to withhold the annual tribute from the king of Gujarat but declared openly that he owed no allegiance to that monarch. His pride, thus brought on him the strength of Mahmud Shah Begada (1459—1511), in the year 1499. [Ferishta mentions this year as 1498. Briggs, o. c. IV, 299.] The Gujarat army marched, laid waste the country and the Khandesh army also moved to oppose it; but the latter was compelled to effect its retreat within the walls of Thalner and Ashirgad. Adil Khan II was unable to cope with the power of Mahmud Shah and in order to preserve his personal safety and government was compelled to pay the arrears of tribute before the Gujarat forces retired into their own country. From that time until his death, more than a year later, he was on cordial relations with his suzerain and visited his court. On September 28, 1501, Adil Khan died without issue and was succeeded by his younger brother, Daud Khan. [ Ferishta mentions that Adil Khan II died on Friday, April 8, 1503, after a reign of forty.six years. His body was buried at his particular request near the palace of the Dowlut Meidan in Burhanpur—Briggs, o. c. IV, 299.] There was, however, another aspirant belonging to the Faruqi family, named Alam Khan, who had enjoyed the protection of the king of Gujarat. This Alam Khan was the great.great.grandson of Hasan Khan, who had been expelled from Khandesh by his elder brother Nasir Khan and had fled to the court of Ahmad Shah of Gujarat. All Hasan Khan's descendants, with the exception of one, who married a daughter of Jam Nizam.ud.din of Sind, had married princesses of the royal house of Gujarat, and Alam Khan was the grandson of Mahmud Begada. It thus came about that Mahmud induced Adil Khan II to nominate his youthful kinsman as his heir, to the exclusion of his brother Daud, but in 1501 Mahmud was not in a position to grant his grandson's claim and Daud succeeded without opposition to the throne of Khandesh. [ Haig, o. c. III, 313.]

Daud Khan.1501-1508.

DAUD KHAN: 1501—1508. Daud Khan was a feeble but reckless prince. Immediately after his accession, two brothers, Hussain Ali and Yar Ali, Moghals, began to acquire great influence, so much so, that Daud made the elder his Prime Minister, with title of Hissam.ood.Din.[ Briggs, o. c. IV, 300.01.] At the instigation of this person, Daud contrived to embroil himself with Ahmad Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, [ Daud had declared his intention of attacking some of the frontier towns of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar—ibid.] who invaded Khandesh and could not be expelled until Daud had purchased the aid of Nasir-ud-din Khilji of Malwa [ The king of Malwa sent a force under Yekbal Khan to assist Daud. Ibid; Haig, o. c. III, 313.] by the humiliating concession of causing the Khutba to be recited in his name. Daud's death [ Fcrishta mentions the date as August 6, 1510, and further mentions that Ghazni Khan was poisoned, two days after the accession, by Mullik Hissam-ood-deen, for what cause God only knows—Briggs, o. c. IV, 302.] on August 28, 1508, ended an inglorious reign and he was succeeded by his son, Ghizny Khan, who was poisoned after a reign of ten days.

Ghizny Khan.

Ahmad Nizam Shah now again invaded Khandesh with the object of placing on the throne another scion of the Faruqi house also named Alam Khan, [ It is no where explained' whose son Alam Khan was or on what grounds his claim to the throne of Khandesh rested.] who had taken refuge at his court. Mahmud Begada was at this juncture reminded of his pledge to support his grandson's claim, and he too invaded Khandesh with the object of placing the other Alam Khan on the throne. Khandesh was divided into two factions, the one supporting the Gujarat claimant and the other, the Ahmadnagar claimant. The adherents of the Ahmadnagar claimant, under Malik Hussain, the Moghal. established themselves in Burhanpur, where they were joined by Ahmad Nizam Shah and the king of Berar, while Malik Ladan, the leader of the Gujarat party, shut himself up in Ashirgad, where he was besieged. [ Haig, o. c. III, 314; Briggs, o. c. IV, 304.] Meanwhile, Mahmud Begada, with his grandson, was marching on Thalner and when news of his arrival reached Burhanpur, Ahmad Nizam Shah and the king of Berar withdrew, leaving a force of 4,000 to support the Ahmadnagar candidate and Malik Hussain when they heard that Mahmud had sent a force to attack them these troops fled from Burhanpur, carrying the pretender with them, and Malik Hussain. then deserted, was obliged to submit to Mahmud. All opposition being thus removed, the king of Gujarat held a court at Thalner and installed his candidate on the throne of Khandesh with the title of Adil Khan III. [ He was also called Azim Humayun—Briggs, o. c. IV, 304; After Mahmud's return to Gujarat an envoy from Ahmad's son and successor, Burhan Nizam Shah, waited on him and demanded that some provision should be made for Alam Khan hut was compelled to convev to his master the humiliating message that the Sultan of Gujarat recognised no royalty in the rebellious slave of the kings of the Deccan, and that if Bur dared again to address a king otherwise than as a humble suppliant, he should repent it. Haig, ibid.] Mahmud Begada gave him his granddaughter [ The daughter of Muzaffar Shah, sister by the same mother of Bahadur Shah o£ Gujarat. Briggs—op. cit. Sultan Muzaffar, Mahumud's son, afterwards succeeded his father as Muzaffar II.] in marriage and a sum of Rs. 2,00,000. [ A sum of three hundred thousand tunkas of silver.] One of the first acts of Adil Khan III, after cementing his alliance with Gujarat, was to cause Malik Hussain, who was again plotting with the king of Ahmadnagar, to be assassinated. [ Briggs, o. c. IV, 305; Haig, o. c. III, 314.] Adil Khan III maintained his power by his own vigour and by the help of Muzaffar II of Gujarat and was able to levy tribute from the Galna chief, a tributary of Ahmadnagar. After serving with distinction in the Malwa campaign under his father-in-law Muzaffar Shah, he died on August 25, 1520 and was succeeded by his son, Muhammad I, [ He was also called Meeran Mahomed. He was the eldest son of Adil Khan III, by the sister of Bahadur Shah of Gujirat. This relationship is mentioned because Muzaffar Shah of Gujarat had several children by different wives; but the Queen of Khandesh was by the same mother as Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, which accounts for her son, Meeran Mahomed Shah being elevated to the throne of Gujarat after Bahadur Shah's death. Briggs, o. c. IV, p. 307 F. N.] generally known as Mahmud Shah, from his having been summoned to the throne of Gujarat, which he never lived to occupy.

Miran Muhammad Khan 1520-1535.

MIRAN MUHAMMAD KAHN: 1520—-1535. Shortly after his accession to the Government, Imad Shah, the king of Berar, and Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, were engaged in war with each other, when both Imad Shah, who had gone to Burhanpur for help, and Miran Muhammad Khan of Khandesh wrote to Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, requesting his interference in adjusting the differences with the king ot Ahmadnagar, Bahadur Shah deputed Ein-ul-Mulk to proceed to Burhanpur. Burhan Nizam Shah consented to an amicable adjustment of affairs but shortly after the return of Bahadur Shah's ambassador, resumed hostilities. Joining with the Berar king, Miran Muhammad Khan met Burhan Nizam Shah in battle. However, the Khandesh army was defeated by Burhan (1526) [ Briggs, o. c. IV, 309. Burhan Nizam Shah not only recovered the public property he had formerly lost but captured several of the Khande elephants and many of the Khandesh troops, too, were killed.] After repeated solicitations Bahadur Shah of Gujarat marched in person to Burhanpur and from thence, accompanied by Miran Muhammad Khan and Imad-ul-mulk. entered in the Deccan without opposition. Bahadur's supremacy was admitted. Miran Muhammad Khan had joined Bahadur in 1532 and together they marched from Champaner on November 6, 1532, and on February 14, 1533, the two kings arrived before Chitor. Ten days later the queen-mother, the widow of Sangrama Singh, purchased peace with what remained of the plunder taken by her husband when he captured Mahmud Khilji II of Malwa, including the jewelled crown of Hushang and Gujarat and Khandesh army retired. [ Briggs o. c. IV, 310-11; Haig. o. c. III, 329.] Miran Muhammad Khan also accompanied the king of Gujarat in his expedition against Chitor (1534) [ Burhan Nizam Shah, alarmed at the occupation of the Kingdom of Malwa deputed an ambassador to Miran Muhammad Khan professing great regard for him and requesting his interference with the king of Gujarat to reconcile some differences which existed between them.] and was with him in retreat before the arms of Emperor Humayun to Mandu, on April 25, 1535. [ Haig, o. c, III, 331.] However, after the occupation of Gujarat by Emperor Humayun, Bahadur requested Miran Muhammad Khan to invade Malwa at the same time, when he would make an effort to recover Gujarat. But Emperor Humayun himself, tired with the lust of conquest, marched further into Khandesh and visited Burhanpur. Miran Muhammad Khan wrote, begging him to spare his small kingdom the horrors of an invasion, and at the same time wrote to Ibrahim Adil Shah I of Bijapur, Sultan Quli Qutb Shah of Golconda, and Darya Imad Shah of Berar, proposing a league for the defence of the Deccan, but Emperor Humayun's operations were confined to a military promenade through Khandesh, whence he returned to Mandu. [ Haig, o. c. III, 333.] After Humayun's withdrawal, Miran Muhammad aided Bahadur Shah's forces in driving his officers out of Malwa. In concert with Mullo Khan, the Gujarat Governor of Malwa, Miran Muhammad Khan took possession of Mandu. [ Briggs, o. c. TV, 311-12.]. While Miran Muhammad Khan was there, information reached him that Bahadur Shah was drowned by the Portuguese at Div and that his mother, in concert with the nobles of Gujarat, had proclaimed him, choosing him as Bahadur Shah's successor. A deputation shortly after, arrived at Mandu for the purpose of escorting him to Gujarat. Meanwhile he was formally crowned at Mandu and assumed the tittle of Miran Muhammad Shah; but his reign was of a short duration; for on the journey to Ahmedabad he was taken dangerously ill and died suddenly on May 24, 1535. [ Bahadur left no son, and Muhammad Zaman Mirza, the kinsman and brother-in-law of Humayun, impudently claimed the throne on the ground that Bahadur's mother had adopted him as her son, but Imad-ul-Mulk Malikji hastened from Diew to Ahmedabad and agreed to call to the throne Muhammad Shah of Khandesh, whose wife, mother, grand-mother and two more remote ancestresses had all been princesses of Gujarat. Descent in the female line seldom counts for much in questions of succession in Muslim states, but Muhammad had been for years the loyal vassal and faithful companion in arms of Bahadur, whose recognition of his title of Shah was understood to indicate a wish that he should succeed him. Haig, o. c. III, 334-35.]

Mubarak Khan.1535-1566.

MUBARAK KHAN: 1535—1566. At the death of Miran Muhammad Shah, none of his children were of an age to take the reins of Government, and his brother Mubarak Khan, immediately assumed the title of Shah. There now remained only one possible successor to the throne of Gujarat, the last descendant of Muhammad Karim, Mahmud Khan, son of Bahadur's brother Latif Khan, who during his uncle's reign, had been placed in the custody of Muhammad of Khandesh, and was a State prisoner in a fortress in that State. The nobles of Gujarat summoned him to the throne, but Mubarak Khan or Mubarak II, who himself had almost certainly hoped to receive a summons to the throne of Gujarat, would not surrender him until a force led by Ikhtiyar Khan invaded Khandesh. [ Haig, o. c. III, 335; Briggs, o. c. IV, 313, 144.] Ikhtiyar Khan carried Mahmud with him to Ahmedabad, where he was enthroned on August 8, 1537 as Sad-ud-din Mahmud Shah III. [ Ferishta mentions that the Gujarat nobles had deputed Mokbil Khan, the brother of Ikhtiyar Khan, to invade Mahmood to the capital—Briggs, o. c. IV, 144, Ferishta further mentions, Mahamood was covered at Ahmedabad in 1536— Ibid; Mahamood was 11 years of age and hence Ikhtiyar Khan Siddiqi gained, for himself the request—Haig, o. c. III, 355.] At this time, Imad-ul-Mulk of Gujarat fled and sought protection at Burhanpur. He was hospitably received by Mubarak Khan, who encouraged him to collect a body of 12,000 Gujarat horse. With this force, they marched with the purpose of securing the throne of Gujarat for Mubarak Khan. But Darya Khan, accompanied by Mahmud Shah III, opposed them. The armies met, and a sanguinary con-test ensued, in which, the Khandesh troops were defeated. Mubarak Khan fled to Ashirgad and Imad-ul-Mulk to Mandu, where he sought protection of Sultan Kadir of Malwa. The army of Darya Khan, following up the success, plundered and laid waste the country of Khandesh. Darya Khan compelled Mubarak Khan to pay a very heavy fine. Mahmud Shah, when in confinement in the. fort of Ashir had promised, if ever he succeeded to the Government to Gujarat, to give to Mubarak Khan the districts of Nandurbar [ Briggs, o. c. IV, 314-15.] and Sultanpur and upon this occasion he formally yielded them to him.

In 1561, a Moghal Chief, Pir Muhammad Khan, driving Sultan Baz Bahadur out of Malwa, pursued him into Khandesh. where he had taken protection with Mubarak Khan. He laid waste the country with great cruelty and sacked Burhanpur. He gave orders for a general massacre. Many of the learned men and Saiyids of the place he caused to be decapitated in his presence. [ Elliot, V, 275; Briggs, o. c. IV, 315.] The Moghals withdrew, heavy with spoil and debauchery but Tufal Khan of Berar, joining his army with Mubarak Khan and Sultan Bahadur, getting intimation of the dispersed state of the Moghal army, made rapid marches and overtook Pir Muhammad Khan on the Narmada banks. The allies immediately charged Pir Muhammad's army, which, overpowered by numbers, sought safety in flight. [ Many were drowned in the river and Pir Muhammad Khan himself, who ordered his elephant to be urged into the stream, was among the number. Briggs, o. c. IV, 316. It so happened that a camel came up and bit the horse upon which he was riding. He was thrown off into the water. Tabakat-i-Akbari in Elliot, V, 175. Badauni is eloquent upon the subject. "By way of water he (Pir Muhammad Khan) went to fire; and the sighs of orphans, poor wretches, and captives, settled his business". Badauni (Vol. II, p. 51)—in Elliot, V, 275. F. N.] The confederates, following up their success marched on to Mandu, where Sultan Baz Bahadur again assumed the reins of government; after this, the allies returned to their respective countries. Mubarak Khan died, after a reign of thirty-two years, on the night of Wednesday, December, 24, 1566. [ Briggs, o. c. IV, 316.]

Miran Muhammad II 1556-1576.

MIRAN MUHAMMAD 11:1566—1576. Miran Mubarak Khan was succeeded by his son, Miran Muhammad II. In the very first . year of his reign, he was attacked by Changiz Khan of Gujarat who being instigated by Etimad Khan, the Prime Minister of Muzaffar Shah III, invaded the district of Nandurbar and having compelled the Khandesh officers to retreat, boldly pursued on the fortress of Thalner. [ Briggs, o. c. IV, 317; Haig, ox. III, 346.] But with the help of the Berar chief, Tufal Khan, Muhammad II defeated the Gujarat commander and forced him to flee to Broach. [ Ibid.] At this time, the Gujarat government was in a state of the utmost confusion and a civil war prevailed. Most of the nobles were of opinion that Muzaffar Shah III, who was merely a pageant in the hands of Etimad-ud-daula, was not the son of Muhammud Shah, and they refused to acknowledge his right to the throne. Miran Muhammad II, therefore, conceiving himself to be the only rightful heir and hearing that he might get support from the Gujarat nobles, if he boldly asserted his claims, collected a force of 30,000 horse, and marched to Ahmedabad. Changiz Khan, who had, in the meantime, been successful in the civil war at the capital, whence he had expelled his rival Etimad-ud-daula and the king. Changiz Khan marched to oppose Miran Muhammad II with only 7,000 men, supported by the Delhi Mirzas, and gained a complete victory. Miran Muhammad II was forced to retire to Ashirgad with the loss of his elephants, artillery and royal equipage. [ Haig, o. c. Ill, 346; Briggs, o. c. IV, 318.] Changiz Khan rewarded the Mirzas with extensive fiefs in the Broach district, but in a short time it was discovered that they were encroaching on the land of their neighbours and had been guilty of cruelty and oppression on their estates. They defeated a force sent against them by Changiz Khan, but retired into Khan-desh, and before Miran Muhammad II could collect sufficient army to oppose them they laid waste and levied contributions on several districts and quitted the province. In 1574. Murtaza Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar invaded and subdued the country of Berar and confined Tufal Khan. One of his officers begged the assistance of Miran Muhammad Khan. [ The officer styled himself as Imad-ool-Mulk, the representative of Tufal Khan, chief of Berar, Briggs, o. c. IV, 319.] The chief of Khandesh actually sent a force of five thousand men in order to recover Berar, but Murtaza Nizam Shah, at the instance of Changiz Khan Isfahany, his Prime Minister, returned, and having dispersed the Khandesh troops, turned his attention towards Miran Muhammad II, who had been the means of this invasion. Burhanpur was sacked and the Ahmadnagar army moved on to Ashir, where after a close siege of considerable length, Miran Muhammad II was compelled to sue for peace, and paid to Murtaza Nizam Shah the sum of six hundred thousand muzafaris, besides two hundred thousand muzafaris to the minister Changiz Khan. [ A Muzafary was equal to half a rupee. It was a base silver coin, struck in the reign of Muzaffar Shah III of Gujarat, which became current in this time in Khandesh; but has long since been extinct. Briggs, o. c. IV, 320, F. N.] In 1576, Miran Muhammad II was seized by a fever, and after some months, died. His only heir was his son, Hussain Khan, then a minor.

Rajah Ali Khan 1576-1596.

RAJAH ALI KHAN: 1576—1596. On Miran's death, his brother Rajah Ali Khan was chosen to succeed, as Miran's son. Hussain Khan happened to be a minor. [ Rajah Ali Khan was indeed a man of great talent, just, wise, prudent and brave but seing that Akbar would become sovereign strove to win his favour, by sending rich presents and admitting his supremacy—Elliot, VI, 138 (Akbar-Nama Tr.).] The dispute between Ahmadnagar and Berar successfully resulted in reducing the power of Salabat Khan, the Governor of Berar, who, thereupon, retiring to Burhanpur, appealed for help to Rajah Ali Khan. However, Salabat Khan, losing hope of getting help from Rajah Ali Khan, burned Burhanpur and retreated towards Agra. On the way he was over-taken on the Narmada by Rajah Ali Khan, and defeated with the loss of many elephants. On reaching Agra, Salabat Khan was received with favour and supplied with means to wage war on Ahmadnagar.

In the summer of 1577 Akbar sent to the Muslim State of Khandesh an expedition which secured the submission of Rajah Ali Khan. The event is less trivial than it seems, for it was the first step in a great enterprise conceived by Akbar, but not finally [ In the course of his rapid descent on Gujaiat in 1573, Akbar had learnt that the small kingdom of Berar, the northernmost of the five independent states of the Deccan, which was annexed by Ahmadnagar in the following year, was in the last throes of its death struggle, that confusion and disorder reigned in Ahmadnagar and that his movements had excited apprehension and alarm in that kingdom This information suggested to him the reconquest of the Deccan. Burn, the Mughul Period, Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV, pp. 117-118.] accomplished until the reign of his great-grand son, Aurangzeb. Khandesh was the only political barrier between his dominions and the Deccan. Rajah Ali Khan was in dilemma. His sym pathy lay with the States of the Deccan, and he earnestly desired the maintenance of their independence, though he knew that their constant bickerings, their internecine strife, and their bitter and bloody domestic feuds, to which the continued independence of his own small kingdom was partly due, not only exposed them to the risk of imperial aggression, but deprived him of the hope of effectual assistance from any one of them should he venture to stand forth as their champion. He could not hope to withstand alone the might of Akbar, but he was thus obliged to belie his sym pathies first by making formal submission to Akbar, and at a later period by aiding him with his force against both Ahmadnager and Bijapur; but even when his troops were ranged in the field beside the imperial forces his influence was ever exerted to prevent the complete subjugation of Ahmadnagar. [ Many years were to pass before Akbar found an opportunity of attacking Ahmadnagar, but it was with this end in view that he secured the allegiance of the ruler of Khandesh—Burn, IV, 118.

Khan Azam, in 1586, attacked Berar, but the allied armies of Ahmadnagar and Khandesh cut the raiders off from their base and compelled Khan Azam to carry his plunder off into Gujarat, harassing him on his way. After reaching Nandurbar he attempted to arrange with Mirza Khan, Khan Khanan, a concerted invasion of Berar but the rainy season made military operations impossible, and he returned to Malwa having gained nothing but plunder—Burn, IV, 137.

Rajah Ali Khan not deciding which side to join, in the beginning, had sided with Ahmadnagar and the Moghal general was forced to retreat. Rajah Ali, however, shortly afterwards, was persuaded by the Khan Khanan and declared his allegiance to the Delhi Emperior. Rajah Ali Khan was enlisted among the nobles of 5,000 horse (Panchahajari), Khandesh was given in grant to him and coins were struck and the prayers read in Akbar's name—Elliot, VI, 241; Ind. Ant, LII, 295-96.

In 1589, Burhan-ud-din, the younger brother of Murtaza Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar having rebelled against his brother had taken refuge with Akbar. Murtaza Nizam Shah had since been murdered by his son Hussain, who succeeded him, but in April 1589, had been murdered by his nobles, who then raised to the throne Ismail, the son of Burhan-ud-din. Burhan now sought and obtained Akbar's permission to gain the throne to which his son had been raised. Akbar offered to aid him but Burhan on second thought, declined Akbar's assistance lest it should provoke the hostility of his subjects and of the kings of Bijapur and Golconda. He failed in his first attempt, but a second attempt in which he was assisted by Rajah Ali Khan of Khandesh was more successful. He deposed his son, and ascended the throne of Ahmednagar as Burhan Nizam Shah II—Burn, IV, 138; Wolseley Haig. The history of the Nizam Shahi Kings of Ahmadnagar; Indian Antiquary (Oct. 1923), Vol. LII, pp. 287-289

In March 1591, Akbar sent missions to the courts of the Sultans of the Deccan. Faizi was accredited to Rajah Ali Khan and to Burhan. Burhan refused to acknowledge the emperor as his overlord. Akbar was furious and sent his second son, Sultan Murad, with a large force into Malwa with instructions to intervene in the affairs of the Deccan whenever an opportunity should arise. It was not until 1593 that the missions returned from the Deccan to court. The presents from Burhan were paltry and the treatment accorded to Faizi had not been such as the emperor's envoy considered his due. Burn, IV, 140.] Akbar was by 1593 at the zenith of his power. The last vestiges of rebellion had been wiped out in Gujarat. He was at leisure to pursue fresh conquest and it was in the Deccan, that his authority was defied and where to his thoughts first turned. Murad, first in Malwa but now in Gujarat had been ordered to seize an opportunity to invade Ahmadnager. Rajah Ali Khan sided with the Moghals under Prince Murad and in the great battle of Sonpat on the Godavari (1597), leading the great attack with great bravery, he was killed by the chance explosion of a powder magazine. [Briggs, Ferishta, II, 274; III, 308; IV, 324. His body was interred at Burhanpur, after a reign of 21 years, 3 months and 20 days, according to Abu'l Fazl—Gladwin, Ayeene Akbery, Part I, 345, Rajah Ali Khan had married a sister of Abu'l Fazl—Col. Jarett, Ain-i-Akbari, II, 227; Blochman Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. I, p. XXXIV, and p. 335; Elliot, VI, 136 (Akabar-Nama Tr.), Ind. Ant. LII, PP- 333-46.]

Bahadur Khan 1596-1599.

BAHADUR KHAN: 1596—1599. On 15th February 1599, Akbar dispatched Abul Fazl from Agra to summon Sultan Murad to court, and to order the Khan Khanan to march, with all the force which he could muster, to the Deccan. Abul Fazl was received near Burhanpur by Bahadur of Khandesh, but the meeting was not cordial. Bahadur offered Abul Fazl some gifts, which were not accepted, but refused to join the imperial army in person, offering a contingent of 2,000 horses under the command of his son, Kabir Khan.

Sultan Murad tried to avoid Abul Fazl and to receive the orders which he bore, but Abul Fazl followed him, [ He found the prince's army in a state of mutiny. Pay was in arrears, the country was unfamiliar, the strength of the enemy was unknown and it was uncertain whether the prince was alive or dead. Burn, IV, 114. At the death of Rajah Ali Khan, the succession devolved on Khizr Khan, his son, who took the name of Bahadur Shah—Jarret, Ain-i-Akbari, II, 227.] and joined his camp near Tembhurni, early in May, 1955 On 12th May, prince Murad died of delirium tremens. [ Abu'l Fazl, with the help of his own contingent of 3,000 horse, succeeded in restoring some degree of discipline in the demoralised army—-Ibid.] On the arrival of Daniyal at Burhanpur in January, 1960 a new complication arose. Bahadur Faruqi of Khandesh remained in the citadel and refused to come forth and welcome him or to see him. Daniyal was furious and summoned the officers in Berar to his assistance, and many of the officers with Abul Fazl left him for the prince, and Abul Fazl's camp, itself, was exposed to considerable danger. [ Akbar himself then set out for Malwa with the object of supervising personally the operations in the Deccan and hastening the movements of Daniyal—Burn, IV, 145-46; Elliot, VI, 133-34.] The forces of Bahadur Khan were under command of Sadat Khan, son-in-law of the late Raja Ali Khan, the greatest and the most trusted of all his servants. He had been sent towards Sul-tanpur and Nandurbar, to make a diversion against the imperial forces in that quarter. [ Elliot, VI, 135-136 (Akbar-Nama Tr.).]

The Moghals 1600-1760 Akbar.

Akbar, who had intended to halt for some time in Malwa, now  hastened to Burhanpur on hearing of the defiant attitude of Bahadur Faruqi. Daniyal was ordered to continue his march to Ahmadnagar and to leave his father to deal with the rebel. [ It was believed that Bahadur might have been withheld by some scruples from making his submission to the Prince before he had made it to the emperor, but envoys sent to him reported that this was not so and that his attitude was defiant—Ibid; Elliot, VI, 134 (Akbar-Nama Tr.).] Akbar arrived before Burhanpur on 8th April 1599 and on the following day, sent a force under Khan Azam to open the siege of Ashirgad. Abul Fazl was appointed Governor of Khandesh, and succeeded in establishing some degree of order in the province. [ Bahad'ir Faruqi now attempted to open negotiations with Akbar, but it soon became apparent that his only object was to gain time in the hope that the exhaustion of supplies in Khandesh would oblige Akbar jto raise the siege of Ashirgad—Elliot, VI, 135.]

Owing to the sloth and venality of many of the imperial officers the siege of Ashirgad was progressing languidly and Abul Fazl was sent to stimulate the activity of besiegers. The forces of Bahadur Khan were under the command of Sadat Khan, son-in- law of the late Rajah Ali Khan. On 9th December 1599, an important outwork was carried, [ Abul-Fazl says that information was obtained from one of the garrison of a secret wav into this outwork and that it was taken on a dark night under rains by a force under his command—an achievement which got him a great name— Elliot, VI, 141; Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. I, p. XXIII.] and in the month of August 1600, Bahadur Faruqi appeared in Akbar's camp and made his submis sions. [ Khan-i-Azam Mirza Aziz Kokah had accompanied Akbar to Ashir. His mother died about the same time, and Akbar himself assisted in carrying the coffin. Through the mediation of Mirza Aziz Bahadur ceded Ashir to Akbar. Soon after prince Khusrau married one of Aziz's daughters—Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, I. 327-] Bahadur Faruqi was sent as a prisoner to Gwalior and Khandesh became a part of the Delhi Empire. [ All the treasures and effects of Bahadur Khan, which had been collected by his ancestors during two hundred years, were brought out, and the wives and women of Bahadur two hundred in number were presented. The emperor staved in the place three days, and then proceeded to Burhanpur. But though Bahadur was sent to Gwalior, his family was allowed to accompany him—Elliot, VI, 146 (Akbar-Nama Tr.).] Khandesh was about this time very rich and well-peopled (1585-1601). [Ralph Fitch (1583—91) refers to a mint at Burhanpur and finds it marvellous, great and a populous country—Foster, Early Travels in India, 16 The silver coin round and thick was worth twenty pence-Ibid.] It was then called Khandesh but after capture of the fortress of Ashir and when this province fell under the Government of Prince Daniyal, it was known as Dandes. [A combination of Danyal and Khandes, as Khandes was named after Nasir-ud-din, son of Malik Rajah, the first of the Faruqi dynasty. Jarret, Ain-i-Akbari, II, 222. Copper coins called Don Paisa, coined in Burhanpur, were in 1818 still found in Khandesh—Mr. Crawley—Bovery, C. S.] "Its length from Borgaon (Poorgong) which adjoins Hindiah to Lalang (Lelang) which is on the borders of the territory of Ahmadnagar is 75 kos. Its breadth from Jamod adjoining Berar to Pal which borders Malwah is 50, and in some parts only 25 kos. On its east is Berar; to the north, Malwah; to the south Galnah (Jalna); to the west, the southern chain of the mountains of Malwah". [ Ibid, the climate was pleasant and winter temperate. In several places they had three crops a year.] The rice was of fine quality, fruits grew plentifully and betel leaves were in abundance. Good cloth stuffs were woven there: those called Siri Saf and Bhiraun came from Dharangaon. The Subah was also famous for the manufacture of a fine stug called Abufteh. [ Gladwin, Ayeene Akbery, I, 343, Blochmann, I, 94. Khandesh is specially mentioned as one of the best mango producing district—Blochmann I, 68. It also produced abundance of grain, cotton, wool, sugar, with great markets for dry fruits, varn, prints, calicoes, lawns, brass-ware, arms and drugs.] The Subah of Khandesh with 32 sub-divisions, yielded a yearly revenue of 1,26,47,062 Tankhas. [The revenue was 1,26,47,061 Berari Tankhas. After the conquest of Asir, this revenue was increased by 50 per cent. The Tankah is reckoned at 24 dams. The total is, therefore, 455, 294, 232 Akabari dams. (Rs. 1,13,82,355.84 nayc Paise)—Jarret. Ain-i-Akbari, II, 225; Hamilton, Description of Hindustan, II, 95. The sub-divisions were, Asir (north of Burhanpur), Atral, Erandol, Amalner, Barangaon, Pachora, Poormal, Bahil, Baneadgaon, Beauvad, Matas, Thanesar, Jamod, Jamner, Chandsar, Talod, Choprah, Dangri, Damri, Ranwer, Ruttenpoor. Saoda, Sandhurni, Aadilabad, Lalang, Lahara, Manjrud, Nasiradabad—other names are omitted in all Mss—Ibid.]

At the foot of the Ashir fort there was a very large city. Burhanpur, too, was a large city, with many gardens, in some of which was found sandal-wood. The city was inhabited by people of all nations and abounded with handicraftsmen. Edalabad was a good town with a lake full of water, with its banks fully cultivated. [ Hindus held it in great veneration, believing that Raja Dasaratha expiated his crime there. Gladwin, I. 342; Blochmann, I, 223.] Chopda was a large town, well inhabited. The fort of Melunga was situated near this place. Damburni was a large town, in the vicinity of which was a reservoir, the water of which continually boiled. Thalner was for a time, the capital of the Faruqi princes. [ The fort though situated on the plains was nevertheless of great strength. Scarcely any land was out of cultivation and many of the villages more resembled towns. The peasantry was docile and industrious. The provincial force was formed of Kolis, Bhils and Gonds. Some of these could tame lions so that they would obey their commands and strange tales were told about them— Jarret, II, 224; Gladwin, I, 342, 343.] Bahadur Khan (1596-1599), Rajah Ali's son and successor, had built the town of Bahadurpur about seven miles east of Burhanpur. Besides these, the Nandurbar district with seven sub-divisions and an area of 644,730 acres (859, 604 Bighas) yielded a large additional revenue of 5,01,62,250 dams and furnish 500 cavalry and 6,000 infantry. [ 5,01,62,250 dams would be £. 123,406 (1880).

Sarkar of Nazarbar (Nandurbar), Jarret, II, 208. In the troubled time that followed Muhammad Shah's death (king of Guiarat 1560—66), Nsndurbar and Sultanpur were invaded and taken by Changez Khan of Gujarat. Shortly after they were again given up. But in the arrangements made by Akbar about the close of the century these districts were taken from Khandesh and made over to Malva. Briggs, Ferishta, IV, 315.]

At the close of the sixteenth century, when Khandesh was annexed by the Moghals, a certain Ramji Pant of Bhadgaon, who had done good service at the siege of Ashirgad, was rewarded with the Government of Nashirabad, Erandol, Jamnner, Bahal and Bhadgaon. Making his native place the headquarters of his charge, Ramji raised it to great prosperity. On Ramji's death his wife Ladkubai carried on the administration and was remembered as having slaughtered 300 robber Bhils on the banks of the dry river.

The transfer of Nandurbar to Malwa, if ever carried out, seems to have lasted a few years only as early in the seventeenth century (1609), Nandurbar, Nethcrheri, is mentioned, among Khandesh towns as dealing in brass-Avare, suits of armour, berries, drugs, pintadoes or calicoes, cotton, yarn, wood and coarse cloth. It was very rich in musk-melons and grapes. [ In 1610, it is noticed as a city with a castle and fair pond with many tombs and pleasure houses. Fifty years later Tavernier describes it as enjoying considerable prosperity and renowned for its grapes and melons.]

After its capture by the Moghals, Burhanpur remained the headquarters of the Deccan provinces, till in 1635, the seat of the Government was moved to Gurka, afterwards called Aurangabad. The early Moghal Governors seem to have done little for the city. In 1614, when Sir Thomas Roe visited it, except the Prince's house, all the place was mud-cottages. The Lal-Killa or Red Fort was built by Akbar. [ Two mosques were erected at Burhanpur, the Jami Masjid built by Alikhan in 1588 being the larger and more important, while the Bibi-ki-Masjid is better designed. The former is a comparatively plain structure, the fifteen pointed arches comprising its facade being flanked by two lofty minarets, a simple conception, but the symmetry and disposition of its parts has been carefully considered. It is not unlikely that construction of this building was interrupted by the subjection of the State by Akbar; its completion being undertaken bv the Mughuls, so that its final appearance may not be as originally intended. As an example of a coherent composition the Bibi-ki-Masjid is much superior—Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 575.]

Nizampur, the headquarters of a petty division was, in the beginning of the 17th century (1610), the first great town between Surat and Agra. [ In the year before (1609) Salbank seems to refer to it as Nabox, a place with exports of grain, cotton, wool, and where sugar grew in great abundance.]

For the first thirty years after the Moghal conquest, the district was unsettled and declining, though without much fighting or open opposition. Rao Ratan, ruler of Heranti, for some time, was the Governor of Burhanpur, in the reign of Jahangir (1607-1627).

In 1609 February, the English merchant Hawkins, travelling from Surat to Burhanpur, even with an escort of about sixty Pathan horse, was attacked by a troop of out-laws. [ The province of Baglan still maintained its independence. The chief's head quarters were at Jaitapur, near Mulher and he levied tolls on all travellers from Surat to Burhanpur, the road passing through his territory. William Hawkins (1608—1613) reached Burhanpur on 8th February, 1609 and next day saw "Chan Channa (Khan Khanan), the Lord general and Viceroy of Deccan". Hawkins stayed in BurhanDur till 2nd of March 1609 and arrived in Agra on 16th April 1609—Foster, Early Travels in India, 80, 129] Next year (January- February 1610), the Viceroy had been defeated by the people of the Deccan and the country was disturbed. The roads were not safe for bodies of less than 1,000 horse. The Deccanies made inroads to the Tapi, plundering the people and sacked towns. The places mentioned are: Nizampur, a large town under Pratap Shah of Baglan; Nan durbar, a city with many tombs and houses of pleasure, a castle and a fair pond; Thalncr, a fair town with a castle; Chopda a great town and Burhanpur, a very large but beastly city, with a fine garden, banquet house and a castle; Bahadurpur, a fair city and between Bahadurpur and Burhanpur, the camp of Khan Khanan with 15,000 horse, 200 fair elephants and hundred pieces of ordnance of all sizes. [ William Finch (1608—1611)—Foster, Early Travels in India, 137. "Brampore (Burhanpur) was the chief city of Chandis (Khandesh) and was very great, and rich and full of people. Adjoining to this province, lived a petty prince, called Pratapshah, tributary to the Mogol (Mughuls) and that was the most southern most part of all his (Mughuls) Territories". Terry Edward (Then chaplain to Sir Thomas Roe), A voyage to East Indies, 85; Foster, Early Travels in India, H¹. '37-]

"On the other side, within 20 or 30 cos, lay Amber Chapon (Malik Amber), an Abashed (Abyssinian) and general of the king of Deccan forces, with some ten thousand Decanees; in so much that the city of Burhanpur had certainly been lost, had not the Prince Sultan Perviz and Rajah Mansing come instantly down with great forces. For at this time he bad sent to the Khan Khanan to yield up the city upon composition, deeming him not able to hold it against him. This city is very great, hut beastly, situated in a low, unwholesome air, a very sickly place, caused especially by the bad water. [ "On the north-east (of Burhanpur) is the castle on the river bank, large and well-fortified. By this castle side in the river layeth an elephant of stone, so lively (i.e., life-like) that a living elephant, coming one day to drink, ran against it with all his force and broke both his teeth. The head is painted red in the forehead and many simple Indians worship it. Some two cos forth of the city is Khan Khanan's garden, called Lal Baug, the whole way thereto being under shady trees, very pleasant. Within it are diverse fair walks, with a stately small tank standing square between four trees, all shaded and inclosed with a wall; at the entrance without, a fair banqueting house built aloft between four trees"— Foster, Earlv Travels in India (William Finch, 1608-1611), pp. 138-39.

"Sir Thomas Roe visited Sultan Perviz at Burhanpur and requested his permission to establish a factory in the city, in October 1615, which he not only granted but immediately issued firmans for the coming and residence of the factors"—Orme, Historical Fragments, 363.]" Raver was attacked by 1,500 Deccan horse and the way was not passable with 1,000 horse. On the 12th February 1610, William Finch rode to visit Prince Perviz and on the 13th gave him presents and found him courteous. The Prince had 20,000 horse and 300 fair elephants and with him, were Asaf Khan (Jafar Beg) with 3,000 soldiers and Mirza Rustum with some 1,000 soldiers. Rajah Mansing, too, had joined with 10,000 Rajputs and 1,000 elephants. [ "So that all the plains for a great distance were covered with tents very brave to behold. With the army came diverse great boats for the transportation of forces over water. The Prince removing, I (William Finch) returned to Burhanpur and on the sixth and twentieth, he being advanced 3 cos towards the enemy, I (William Finch) went to him to take my leave; where news came of the overthrow of certain of Mansing's forces"—Foster, 139.]

On the first of March, the governor of Burhanpur left for Agra and William Finch went with him 12 kos to Boregaon, [ About 20 miles North-West of Burhanpur.] a great village, stony and steep way, being the passage over the great ridge of the mountains. The Moghal forces came across ill success in the Deccan, which, heing within some four days journey of Ahmadnagar, hoping to raise the siege thereof, were forced through famine and drought to make their retreat for Burhanpur. [ As the water-supply was inadequate, a mussocke (a goat-skin water bag) of water was being sold for a rupee and yet was not enough to be had; and all the victuals were at an excessive rate. Foster, 146,147.] Sir Thomas Roe found the country quite unsettled. [ On 3rd November 1615, Sir Thomas Roe entered the Kingdom of Partap Shah; on 4th Navapur; 5th Dhatia; 6th Nandurbar; 7th Lingull; 8th Sindkhera (24 miles north of Dhulia); 9th Thalner (North Side of Tapi; here Roe's party would cross the river); 10th Chopra- " Here having pitched my tents without the town according to my custom, the king's officers came and told me that there were 200 thieves in the hills and I could not be without great danger, persuading me to pitch within the town. I answered I was not afraid; if they came I would leave some of them on the ground for them in the morning and that now I would not stir. They replied they could not answer it to the Moghul if anything came into me; but if I would stay without, they desired a discharge in writing that they had warned me. I told them I was resolved not to move but if the danger were so important I required a better guard to watch with me, which was granted and the Governor with other officers came out with 30 horse and 20 shott and watched all night. In the morning they brought me to their precincts to whom I gave a small present and reward to the soldiers"—Foster, Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, I, 88-89.] On 11th November 1615, Sir Thomas Roe arrived at Adavad, [ In Chopda sub-division.] and sent Master Joseph Salbank to Burhanpur with the King's Farman, to Khan Khanan, [Mirza Abdur Rahim, son of Bairam Khan, Akbar's celebrated general. He had been given the title for conquering Gujarat and later he distinguished himself in several campaigns, especially in the subjugation of Sind. For some time, he was a strong partisan of prince Khurram, though afterwards he deserted him for Perviz. His death occurred at Dehli in 1627, at the age of 72. Captain Hawkijs while on his way up to Agra in 1609, had an interview with the Khan Khanan at Burhanpur, and was given by him "his most kind letter of favour to the king". Kerridge, in a letter to Roe from Ahmedabad, 21st October 1615. (Brit Mus—Addl. Ms. 9366, f 19) warned him that he must visit Prince Perviz (at Burhanpur) "whose cappacitye beinge weake and he given to womanish pleasures, there is no hope either of honour or content from him—He supplieth the place in name only—The chan channa in matters of consequence ther orderth all esteemed for nobillitye, honour and valors to the chiefest of the land". Foster, Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, I, foot note, 90-91.] the Governor to see what commodity he could procure for his furtherance. Roe found Burhanpur on 14th November, a miserable and barren country; the towns and villages all built of mud, so that there was not a house for a man to rent in. Ac Bahadurpur, there was a store house of ordnance. [Four miles west of Burhanpur. Roe saw there, "divers of brasse, but generally too shortt and too wyde bored". Foster, Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, I. 90-91.] Sir Thomas Roe saw Prince Perviz on 18th November 1615 and gave him presents. On November, 25th, Master Boughton (Humphrey) died at Burhanpur. [ Foster, Embassy, I, 32, 100.] Roe proceeded to Raipur [ A small village north-west of Burhanpur.]and reached Boregaon [21 miles north-east of Burhanpur.] on 28th November, but was so sick that at night on the 29th, was given over for dead. On the 30th November, Perviz gave a farman to the English to establish a factory at Burhanpur. [ Foster, o. c.; Orme, Historical Fragments, 363-364.]

Terry, who was chaplain to Sir Thomas Roe observes, " But for their nouses in their villages, which stand very thick in that country, they are generally very poor and base. All those country dwellings are set up close together, for I never observed any house there to stand single and alone. Some of their houses in those villages are made with earthen walls, mingled with straw, set up immediately after their rains and having a long season after to dry them thoroughly, stand firm and so continue, they are built low, and many of them flat; but for the generality of those country villages, the cottages in them are miserably poor, little and base; so that as they are built with a very little charge, set up with sticks rather than timber (if they chance to fire, as many times they do) for a very little they may be re-edified". [ Terry, Voyage to East India 179-80.]

Terry (1616—1619) further observes, "We were in our journey to the court from the beginning of January, till the end of March, we resting a while at Brampore (Burhanpur) which is a very spacious and populous city, where we had a factory. And after that we were violently detained in our journey by Sultan Caroon, the Prince, whom we met in his march towards Brampore (Bur hanpur), and a very marvellous great retinue with him. The reason why he interrupted us in our course, was, that he might see the presents we had for his father, the king; but we having command from the ambassador (Sir Thomas Roe) to tell him, that we durst not open them, till we came to the king, we most humbly craved his pardon to spare us in that; so presenting him with a pair of rich gloves (though they be things they wear not in those hot countries) and a rich embroidered bag for perfume, which amongst many other things of the like kind were brought from England to be given away for presents, after that he had carried us back three days journey, he let us go, taking further order for our safe convoy" [ Terry, Voyage to East India, 194-95; Orme, Historical Fragments, 371. Roe's Chaplain had died and he had written to the Surat factors to provide him with another. As Terry (Edward) was well commended and was willing to remain in India, he was engaged for the post. He joined the ambassador near Ujjain towards the year 1617 Foster, 288,].

Shah Jahan.

Soon after beginning of Shah Jahan's reign, Khandesh (1629-1630) suffered from the two-fold calamity of war and famine. Khan Jahan Lodi, headstrong and fickle, believed that Shahryar or Dawar Baksh was more likely to succeed and while Shah Jahan was on his way to Agra, Khan Jahan left a small garrison in his headquarters at Burhanpur and marched himself to seize Mandu. When news came that Khan Jahan had reached Ajmer he was abandoned by some of his Hindu supporters and sent in a humble submission, which was accepted. He was forgiven and confirmed in his Governorship of the Deccan and ordered to return to Burhanpur. [ Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 184.]

In restoring Khan Jahan to the Governorship of the Deccan, Shah Jahan had directed him to recover Balaghat which Khan Jahan had corruptly surrendered in the previous reign. As no effort had been made to carry out this instruction Khan Jahan was recalled to headquarters and Mahabat Khan replaced him as Governor, being represented at first by his son Khan Zaman. However, in October 1629, Khan Jahan escaped to the south. [ Though Khan Jahan was overtaken near the Chambal river, he could escape further, being helped by Bikramajit, son of Jujhar Singh. He safely reached Ahmadnagar and Daulatabad—Burn, 185.]

The Imperial power was much reduced, including only eastern portion of Khandesh and part of Berar. Halting at Burhanpur, Shah Jahan himself sent three armies into the Deccan. [ In dealing with the rebel Khan Jahan, Shah Jahan had also to take into account the three kingdoms of the south, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda, which though jealous of each other could on occasion form aliance to repel the Mughuls. Experience had also shown that arathas could not be neglected— Burn, 186.] One force under Khwaja Abul Hasan was sent west to Dhulia to command the route for supplies from Gujarat and to threaten Ahmadnagar from the north-west. [ The main army was concentrated at Dewalgaon in Berar. A third force was sent towards Telingana (North of Hyderabad, Deccan).]

Khwaja Abul Hasan had a detachment of 8,000 horse under him and it was settled that the Khwaja was to stay at some suitable position near the fort of Laling during the rainy season until he was joined by Sher Khan from the province of Gujarat with his provincial levies. After the end of the rains he was to march by way of Baglan, and taking with him some of the zamindars of the country, make his way to Nasik. The Khwaja marched from Burhanpur, and in eight days reached the village of Dhulia, [ About half way between Burhanpur and Nasik.] near the fort of Laling and there halted until the rains would cease. Sher Khan, subhedar of Gujarat, joined with 26,000 men and the Khwaja sent him to attack the fort of Batora, in the vicinity of Chandor. Sher Khan ravaged the country and returned with great spoil. [ Elliot, Badshah-Nama (of Abdul Hamid Lahori), VII, 10.]

"At the conclusion of the rains, Khwaja Abul Hassan also according to orders, marched from the vicinity of the fort of Laling by way of Baglan towards Nasik and Trimbak. The zamindar Baharji met him with 400 horse. The Khwaja entered the enemy's country by way of the Ghat of Jarahi. He found that the revenue officers and rayats had left their villages and had retired into the jungles and hills. So the country was desolate, corn was dear, and the soldiers of the royal army were in want of necessaries. The Khwaja then sent detached forces into the hills and also into the inhabited country, and they returned from each raid with abundance of corn and other necessaries, having killed or taken prisoners many of the enemy. [Elliot, VII, ii.]"

In the east, Darya Khan, one of the rebel nobles, with a thousand Afghans, separated from Khan Jahan and marched towards Chan-dor, and the Ghat of Chalisgaon, with the intention of attacking Erandol, Dharangaon and other places. This movement being reported to Shah Jahan, he appointed Abdulla Khan, whom he had summoned from Balaghat, to act against Darya Khan. Darya Khan had ravaged Erandol, Dharangaon and other places of the Payin-ghat of Chalisgaon; but on hearing of the approach of Abdulla Khan, he turned back to the Balaghat. Azam Khan did not deem it prudent to advance in that direction as want of rain and the ravages of the Nizam Shahis and Afghans had made provisions very scarce. [ Elliot, VII, 16.] These losses [ With his country stripped bare of the necessities of life and almost completely surrounded by hostile forces, the king of Ahmadnagar repented of his support to the rebel Khan Jahan whose help against the Moghals during the last year had been almost negligible Khan Jahan and Darya Khan were turned out and decided to pass through Malwa to the Punjab. Shah Jahan who was at BurhanPur was in close touch with the operations and able to draw supplies from tracts in northern India untouched by the famine, had foreseen this and detached forces to catch them. The fugitives hoped to find help in Bundelkhand, Bikramajit Singh had, however, learned that his previous assistance to them had brought the royal censure on his father Jujhar Singh. To atone for this he attacked the rear guard and killed Darya Khan and his son with many of their followers early in January, 1631. Khan Jahan escaped but was again worsted in a sharp fight and finally brought to bav and killed at Sihonda—Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 187-188; Elliot, Badshah-Nama, VII, 21.] were followed by a total failure of rain over the whole country, from Ahmedabad to Daulatabad. The inhabitants were reduced to direct extremity. Life was offered for a loaf, but none would buy, [ "Jane be nane"— Elliot, VII, 24.] rank was to be sold for a cake, but none cared for it, the ever-bounteous hand was now stretched out to beg for food, and the feet which had always trodden the way of contentment walked about only in search of sustenance. For a long time dog's flesh was sold for goat's flesh, and the pounded bones of the dead were mixed with flour and sold. When this was discovered, the sellers were brought to justice. Destitution at length reached such a pitch that men began to devour each other, and the flesh of a son was preferred to his love. The numbers of the dying caused obstructions in the roads and every man whose dire sufferings did not terminate in death and who retained the power to move wandered off to the towns and villages of other countries. Those lands which had been famous for their fertility and plenty now retained no trace of productiveness. Shah Jahan directed the officials at Burhanpur to establish soup kitchens, or aims-houses, such as are called hangar in the language of Hindustan, for the benefit of the poor and destitute. Every day sufficient soup and bread was prepared to satisfy the wants of the hungry. It was further ordered that so long as His Majesty (Shah Jahan) remained at Burhanpur 5,000 rupees should be distributed among the deserving poor every Monday, that day being distinguished above all others as the day of the Emperor's (Shah Jahan) accession to the throne. Thus, on twenty Mondays, one lakh of rupees were given away in charity. [ Taxes amounting to nearly seventy lakhs of rupees were remitted by the revenue officers—a sum amounting to nearly eighty crores of dams, and amounting to one-eleventh part of the whole revenue, by the instructions of Shan Jahan. When such remissions were made from the exchequer, it may be conceived how great were the reductions made by the nobles who held jagirs and mansabs — Elliot, Badshah Nama, VII, 24-25]

Shah Jahan appointed Prince Aurangzeb to the government of Deccan. However in 1634, Khandesh had been made into a subha and included part of Berar and the districts of Khandesh as far as Galna. The districts of Sultanpur and Nandurbar had formerly been joined to Malwa. The country south of Khandesh as far as the Bhlma, was made into a separate subha, with Daulatabad as the centre. "The country now under Prince Aurangzeb contains sixty-four forts, fifty-three of which are situated on hills, the remaining eleven are in the plain. It is divided into four subhas (1) Daulatabad, with Ahmadnagar and other districts (2) Telingana situated in the subha of Balaghat (3) Khandesh with capital at Burhanpur (4) Berar, with capital at Elichpur. The whole of the third province and a part of the fourth is in the Payin-ghat. The Jama, or total revenue of the four provinces is two arb of dams, equivalent to five crores of rupees. [ Elliot, VII, 58.]"

Prince Aurangzeb was directed to subjugate Baglan, which lay on the route between Surat and Burhanpur. [ In length it is a hundred kos, and in greadth eighty. On the east is Chandor a dependency of Daulatabad, on the west the port of Surat and the sea; on the north Sultanpur and Nandurbar; and on the south Nasik and Trimbak—Elliot, VII, 66.] In December 1637 Aurangzeb sent an army against it which advanced and laid siege to Mulher. "The trenches were opened and the garrison was presssed so hard that Bharji (the ruler) sent out his mother and his vakil with the keys of his eight forts, offering to enrol himself among the servants of the Imperial throne, on condition of receiving the pargana of Sultanpur. When this proposal reached the emperor, he granted Bharji a mansab of three thousand personnel and 2,500 horse, and Sultanpur was conferred upon him for his home." [ Elliot, VII, 66; Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 200.] During the period of peace which followed, Shah Jahan introduced into Khandesh, the famous Moghal revenue settlement. It is known that Shah Jahan reorganised the finances and provided that sufficient areas in the empire, should be reserved for the treasury to yield a recurring surplus after ordinary expenditure had been covered. It is known also that he devoted his personal attention to finances and that he gave liberal rewards to collectors who had been successful in working up the revenue of their circles. Further, it is recorded that he issued general orders on the revenue system. [ The districts were found, in the Deccan, in a deplorable condition. They had suffered heavily in the terrible famine of 1630-32 and the war of conquest had practically completed their economic ruin; so that twenty years later the revenue accruing from them was still insufficient to meet the expense of their administration, Burn—IV, 468.] During Prince Aurangzeb's second viceroyalty of the Deccan, which began in the year 1652, a complete reorganisation of the revenue system of these provinces was undertaken by an officer named Murshid Quli Khan, who was appointed Diwan of Daulatabad and Telingana, and subsequently placed in charge also of Berar and Khandesh. The lenient assessment was accompanied by active measures to re-people and re-organise the ruined villages, and capital was advanced when required, with the result that prosperity was for the time being restored. [ Ibid ; Elliot, VII 171.]

Bernier, (1656-1668) mentions that Candeys (Khandesh) had three sirkars Burhanpur as the chief town and three hundred paraganas, yielding Rs. 1,85,50,000 annually. [ Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire (1656—1668), 458 ; Orme, Historical Fragments, 5.] At this time and till the close of the seventeenth century, the presence of large bodies of troops and of the courts of the emperor and many of his chief nobles, together with the centering of trade along routes that led through Khandesh to Surat, greatly enriched the province. [ Ball, Travels in India by Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, I, 30.]

"Between Navapur and Burhanpur, was all a good country for wheat, rice, [ This fine rice had a special value and was known as "perfumed" (basmati, sukhda's). It possessed a particular quality, causing it to be much esteemed. Its grain was half as small again as that of common rice and when it was cooked, snow was not whiter than it was, besides which it smelt like musk, and all the nobles of India, ate no other. Ball, Travels in India by Jean—Baptiste Tavernier (1640—1660), I, 41.] and indigo. [ Indigo was produced at Raot (Adavad in Chopda taluka and other small village in its neighbourhood. The people sold generally more than 100,000 rupees worth of it every year—ibid, II, 8.] Burhanpur was a large town, according to Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1640—1660), [ The stages of Jean Baptaste Tavernier's travels were: From Navapur to Nandurbar, 9 cos; Dol Medan, 14 cos; Sinkheda, 7 cos; Thalner, 10 cos; Chopra, 15 cos; (Sankli) Scnquelis, 13 cos; Nabir, 10 cos (Raver); Belleda, 9 cos; at Belleda loaded carts had to pay Burhanpur customs dues, but the carts which carried only passengers paid nothing. Ibid, 42.] the houses of which were for the most part thatched. The government of this province was so important that it was conferred only upon a son or an uncle of the Emperor. There was a considerable trade in this town, and both at Burhanpur itself and in all the provinces an enormous quantity of very transparent muslins were made which were exported to Persia, Turkey, Muscovie, Poland, Arabia, Grand Cairo and other places. Some of these were dyed in various colours and ornamented with flowers, and women made veils and scarfs of them; they also served for the covers of beds, and for handkerchiefs; such as were seen in Europe with those who took snuff. There were other fabrics, which were allowed to remain white, with a stripe or two of gold or silver running the whole length of the piece, and at each of the ends, from the breadth of one inch up to twelve or fifteen—in some more, and in others less—it is a tissue of gold, silver, and of silk with flowers and there is no reverse, one side being as beautiful as the other. [ If those which they exported to Poland, where they were in great demand, had not at both ends at least three or four inches of gold or silver, or if this gold and silver became black when crossing the ocean between Surat and Hormuz, and from Tiebizonde to Mangalia or other parts of the Black sea, the merchant could not dispose of them except at great loss. He ought to take care that the goods were well packed and that they were secured from damp. Some of these fabrics were all banded, half cotton and half gold or silver, being called ornis, and cost from one hundred to one hundred and fifty, the cheapest being not under ten or twelve rupees. They were largely sold in Persia and Turkey. Ibid.] There was hardly another province in the whole of India which had "a greater abundance of cotton. The middle of the seventeenth century was the time of the highest prosperity for this province.".

Aurangzeb.

Mir Jumla quitted the service of the king of Golkonda and went to Burhanpur with Aurangzeb (February, 1656) [ Ibid, 137; Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 208.] when Aurangzeb had attacked Golkonda. Wide currency was given in 1665 to the rumour that Jai Sing was advancing against Bijapur for demanding the arrears of the tribute due to Delhi, so that the Sultan of Bijapur be cowed down and kept back from his alliance with Shivaji. The following letter from Karwar, dated 28th January 1665, refers to the rumour that Shivaji, his brother Vyankoji and the nobles of Bijapur were to fight against Mirza Rajah. "The news in these parts is that Rajah Jessun (Jaisingh) is come to Burhanpur with 30,000 horse, 3,000 of which were permitted to attend him into said city. They say he comes to demand 70,00,000 pagodas as a tribute due from the king (of Bijapur). What answer the king will give him none knows as yet, he staying until Ballul Caune (Bahlol Khan) and Sevagee's brother (Vyankoji), Sind Elasse (Sayyad Iliyas Sharza Khan) being there already. It's reported three armies are to go against the Moghal, the one under Sevagy, the other under Rustum Jeamah and the third under Cous Caune (Khawas Khan)" [ Balkrishna, Shivaji the Great, Vol. I, part II, 237-38.].

Jaising was recalled to court in March 1667 [ Raja Jaisingh I, of Jaipur commonly called Mirza Raja; of the Rajawat branch of the Kachhwahas of Amber (Jaipur) a Rajput clan of great antiquity and renown. This clan traces its origin to Dhola Rai, who is said to have founded the State of Amber in 967 A. D. Raja Jaysing I, died at Burhanpur on the 10th July 1667—A. Constable, Travels in the Mogul Empire (1656—1668) by Francois Bernier, 191 (1914 edition); Footnote by incent Smith, 35; According to Dr. Balkrishna, Jaising handed over charge to the Prince at Aurangabad in May 1667 and proceeded towards the north and died at Burhanpur, brokenhearted, on 2nd July. He further refers that, according to Manucci, Jai Sing was poisoned by Aurangzeb, but Todd says that the emperor persuaded Kirat Singh, the younger son of Jaisingh, to poison his father in the hope of getting the gadi ot Amber—Dr. Balkrishna, Shivaji the Great, I, Part II, 269; Orme, Historical Fragments, 20, 75.] and was superseded by Prince Muazzam [ Muhammad Muazzam, who, later, succeeded his father Aurangzeb, with the title of Shah Alam Bahadur Shah, was born at Burhanpur in 1643 and died at Lahor in 1712—A. Constable, "Travels in the Mogul Empire (1655—1668) bv Francois Bernier", Footnote by Vincent Smith (1914), 28,]as viceroy of the Deccan in May 1667.

With a band of the bravest officers and faithful followers amounting to 4.000 in infantry and cavalry, Shivaji, accompanied by his son Sambhaji, left Rayagad for the north on the 5th March 1666. He marched through the Bijapur territory to Aurangabad and Burhanpur. Here he was paid one lakh of rupees from the imperial treasury, for the expenses of his army. Aurangzeb had issued instructions to the Faujdfus that Shivaji was to be honoured like the Shahzadas. [ Balkrishna, II, Part II, 253-54; 299 c/f Batavia letter Bk. 1667, Bl. 208 25 Jan. 1667; I. O. D. Rec. No. 734.]

However, after Shivaji had escaped from Agra, Sultan Muazzam was instructed by Aurangzeb to win over Shivaji by every possible means. [ In 1667, Muazzam marched from Delhi with a numerous and chosen army. "It is said that Sevaji, disguised like a peasant, waited his passage through a village near Brampore (Burhanpur) and presented a plate of cream, which from its appearance, Muazzam ordered to be served at his meal; within was a note inclosed in wax, written by Sevaji, declaring, that curiosity had led him to view the mighty prince, who now condecended to become his antagonist in the list of fame; expecting to acquire more from this conlist than from all his former achievements. The gallantry of the defiance, if true, bust have warned the prince (had there been not proofs before) of the dangerous resources of his intricate intrepidity". Orme, Historical Fragments, 17.] A letter of 22nd January 1668 from Surat to London gives the news of peace having been made between Shivaji and Aurangzeb. [ Balkrishna, 272,] But Shivaji declared war on Aurangzeb when he began to persecute the Hindus. Shivaji had suddenly appeared before Surat and ravaged it, for the second time, for three days without opposition. At the same time (1670) he led his flying force into Khandesh and Berar and freely plundered several rich towns there.

"But the most memorable circumstance of this expedition was the exaction of a writing from the village authorities on his route, in which they promised to pay to Sevagee, or his officers, one-fourth of the yearly revenue due to Government. Regular receipts were promised on the part of Sivajee, which should not only exempt them from pillage, but ensure them protection. Hence we may date the first imposition of Mahratta choath on a province immediately subject to the Moghuls" [ Dr. Balkrishna, I, part IT, 282, 299; Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 259.]

"The news of the town is that Sevagee hath passed by Brampore (Burhanpur) upon Rajah jeswansing's forbidding him to come there, for which said Rajah hath received two or three lacks of rupees of the king's treasure there; and Sevagee -marched to Corringa a rich town farther in the country; which he hath very severely plundered, and carried all the men of note in it, but one of the most eminent men of all who escaped in women's apparel. [ The Moghals knew by experience, that part of Shivaji's regulations regarding protection to females.] From the other towns and villages, in the country thereabouts and near Nandra band, he hath taken writings that they will pay him ¼ part (chouth) of the revenues thereof". [ Balkrishna, 282 c/f F. R. Surat, Vol. 105, Fol. 93. From Surat, 19th October 1670.]

John Trotter, an English gunner in the Moghal service, wrote a long letter to Surat from Aurangabad. He gives information on the civil war between Prince Muazzam and his general Diler Khan as well as on the appointment of Khan-i-Zaman for investigating into the charges made against each other by the Prince and the General. Shivaji, taking advantage of this internal struggle, sent his cavalry on plundering expeditions as far as Berar. The booty of one town alone amounted to a crore of rupees, but it was still further augmented by the plunder of other rich places in the Jagir of Prince Muazzam.

"Intelligence of affairs here are uncertaine and indeed such is the Government of these countrys as omitts noe privy councell, whereby no certainty is knowne to any except king, prince and Sevagee: but as to appearance and apprethension of the best of the Princes and umbraws here, that the king is certainly determined to put this prince upon the throwne, having indeed noe other capable of Government; upon our princes marching against Dillile Ckaune, wee arrived near Brampore (Burhanpur). Our prince gave order, for a months pay to be paid to his whole laskar; the same day arrived a persuance (parweina) from the king to returne back for Orangabad. Our prince in present obedience to his father's orders gave no small content to his father, the king being in noe small encounter ours, and certaine it is, if the Prince had marched feare of the Prince's coming, being unprovided with a laskar to forward he had before this bin king of Hindustane". [ In Balkrishna, 283-85 c/f F. R. Surat, Vol. 105, Fol. 150-1, Aurangabad, 20-12-1670.]

The Emperor was exasperated at the second sack of Surat and the destructive raids in the rich provinces of Khandesh and Berar. He ordered Mahabat Khan to carry on a vigorous warfare against Shivaji. This commander was assisted by another commander, Daud Khan by name. [ Daud Khan was the Governor of Khandesh when Shivaji threatened an invasion in 1671 A. D. His son officiated as A Deputy at Burhanpur—Sir, Jadunath Sarkar: Shivaji and His Times.] The latter tried to intercept the Maratha armies but could not prevent the junction of the divisions which were burled upon the famous fort of Salhir. [ In Baglan commanding one of the chief roads into Gujarat—Orme, Historical Fragments, 47. Earlier Prataprao Gujar was in command.' Dr. Balkrishna, 289.] Daud Khan with all his vast army could do nothing in raising the siege or in preventing the fall of other forts.

"Since writing the last the Deputy Governor hath received certaine news from Orangabad that Mobut Chaune (Mahabat Khan) is arrived here, with 40,000 horse and that he hath brought Rajah Jessonings back from Brampore (Burhanpur) with him who was gone thither to raise money or sack the towne and demand 5 hundred thousand rupees of Daud Ckaunes sonne the then Governor, who told him if he could procure Oranzeebs order he would pay 20 lacks, else not a pice and immediately wrote to his father who was hard by the castle Sailer, who upon the news went to his son's assistance., in which interval Sevagee took Sailer, but is not returned to Rajapuri" [ Dr. Balkrishna, 286 c/f F. R. Surat, Vol. 105, pp. 114-15 Bombay, 6th-2-1670-71.] Shivaji had collected toll on Hubly pepper. "(Writing about haggling with Govind Naik about the price of pepper) but whilst wee lost time in writing to him and expecting his answers, the merchants of Brampore (Burhanpur) and those parts having agreed with Sevagee to pay a rupee upon an ox for the free passage; there came such number of them to Hublly for it that it immediately rose to 12¼ Berkley at which price it still continues". [ Dr. Balkrishna, 287 c/f F. R. Surat, Vol. 105, P. 180 Carwar, 27th May 1671.]

In 1675, Shivaji plundered Khandesh. One detachment of his army pushed to the walls of Burhanpur, plundering all the opulent marts of cloth between Burhanpur and Aurangabad. [ Orme, Historical Fragments, 47.]

"In the beginning of December 1679, Shivaji set off from Rairee with a chosen body of horse and suddenly appeared in the country between Aurangabad and Burhanpur, where, joined with the forces of the Rajah (of Berar) they committed all kind of devastation. Dongong (Dharangaon) where the English had factors, Chupra (Chopda) and other great marts, were again plundered and Burhanpur shut its gates. At the same time, Morah Pundit (Moro Pandit), with another body of horse, plundered along the western side of the mountains. [ Orme. Historical Fragments, 84-85; Dr. Balkrishna, 360 c/f F. R. Surat, Vol. IV, p. 105; Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 278.]"

Again by the beginning of 1680, Shivaji "was gone from Rairee, but no one knew whither, a convoy of money to a great amount was coming to Aurangabad, of which, as of everything concerning his enemy, he received early intelligence,, and taking his time before his intentions could be suspected, insured with a detachment of his hardiest cavalry, remote from all the Moghal's stations, and fell upon the convoy before his approach was known, within a few miles of Brampore (Burhanpur), where it would have been safe, until sent forward with stronger escort. He seized the whole and bought it without interruption rapidly to Rairee." [ Orme, Historical Fragments, 89.]

Shivaji's death in 1680 did little to restore peace in the district. [ "A caphila of English company's goods, coming from Dharangaon was plundered in January 1681, by a troop of banditti, who were not Marathas", Orme, Historical Fragments, 257.] A fresh Moghal offensive was launched at the end of November 1681; Sambbaji had earlier given out that he would accompany Prince Akbar, who had revolted against Aurangzeb, to Burhanpur with 30,000 horse and there would proclaim him emperor of the Moghals. [Orme, Historical Fragments, 106.] Aurangzeb had sent his son Azam with a large army to the Deccan (31st July) and soon afterwards he himself hastened there, arriving at Burhanpur on 23rd November and at Aurangabad on 1st April 1682. [ His main occupation was to watch and check Sambhaji, and his protege the rebel Prince Akbar, Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 281, Orme, Historical Fragments, "113.

Aurangzeb passed three or four months very pleasently at Burhanpur he then left for Aurangabad. Before he left, Mir Abdul Karim, the Amin-i-Jizya, reported that the Jizya of the city of Burhanpur for the past year, amounting to 26,000 rupees had been paid into the public treasury—Elliot, VII, 311.] Under Sambhaji the Maratha army continued Shivajis policy of setting out on plundering expeditions every year on the Dasara day (October) at the end of the rainy season. In the winter of 1680-81 they raided North Khandesh, and then passing farther east looted the suburbs of Burhanpur for three days unmolested (9-11 February, 1681), taking an enormous amount of booty. The surprise was complete and none of the people could conceal or remove their property. Many respectable people slew their wives and children to save them from outrage and slavery; many houses were set on fire after being ransacked. The Governor was powerless. [ Burn, Mughul Period IV, 281-82; Dharangaon too was plundered—Bendre, Chatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj, 255-28.

"So, too, the kingdom of the Deccan, which is of spacious country and a paradise on earth has become desolate and ruined like a hill or desert; and the city of Burhanpur a mole of beauty on the cloak of earth, has become ruined and plundered. The city of Aurangabad, glorified by connection with your Majesty's name, is perturbed like quick silver at the shock and injury received from the enemy's armies"—Bendre, Chatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj—c/f Akbar to Aurangzeb, pp. 356-60. PHC, Allahabad, 1938. Kakar Khan Afgan who acted as Collector of the Jizya, under Khan Khanan, the subhedar, was in charge when Sambhaji attacked the district—Elliot, VII, 306.

"Sambha was returning with nearly 20,000 men from a plundering expedition in Berar. He made a forced march of 3 or 4 kos, as was the practice in those days and early in the morning made his attack, while his victims were entirely ignorant of his approach. Thus he fell upon Bahadurpur, one kos and a half from Burhanpur. This place was rich, and there were many bankers and merchants in it. Jewels, money and goods from all parts of the world were found there in vast abundance. He surrounded and attacked the place, and also another town called Hafdapura, which was outside of the fortifications, and his attack was so sudden and unexpected, especially upon Bahadurpur, that no one was able to. save a dam or a diram of his property, or a single one of his wives and children"—Eillot, VII, Muntakhabu-I-Lubab, 306.]

Aurangzeb's wise strategy blocked all the paths out of Maharashtra. Early in 1682, he began a vigorous offensive. But nothing was achieved by the Moghals in 1682 and all their detachments were recalled to the emperor's side in April 1683. However, the Moghal campaign in the first half of 1684 was highly successful. After fierce resistance, many forts in Khandesh surrendered. The Moghal army passed to the south, thereafter.

"In January 1685, ten thousand horse set off from Raigad under four generals and ravaged as far as Burhanpur, with more than ordinary haste and devastation. The English factors at Dharan-gaon had but two hours to escape and every house in the town was cither pillaged or burnt. The whole country was in flames. Aurangzeb sent 6,000 horse from Ahmadnagar, under the command of Bahadur Khan, who never came within six days of the pursuit. He soon after sent his son Kam Baksh with 12,000 more, to command at Brampore (Burhanpur); which was his first establishment in public business" [ Otmc, Historical Fragments, 143-44.].

For twenty years the struggle went on. The forts were taken and retaken and from time to time the Marathas spread over the country, burning and pillaging. "In 1697 Niba Sindhia and other officers of Ram Raja, with an army of 8,000 horse, came to the district of Nandurbar and attacked and burnt several villages. When he heard that Hussain Ali Khan was approaching from Thfdner, [ East of Nandurbar.] lie suspended his operations against Nandurbar and went to meet him. Hussain Khan had only seven or eight hundred horse and two or three thousand provincial musketeers and archers, but he went forth to meet Niba Sindhia. The number of Sindhia's forces enabled him to surround Hussain Ali Khan, about three hundred of whose men were killed. The day went against Hussain Ali, and he had received two or three wounds. Dripping with blood, he threw himself from his elephant; but he had no strength left for fighting. So he was surrounded and made prisoner. All his baggage, his men, and elephants were captured. In addition to the cash which the Marathas had got by plunder, they fixed two lakhs of rupees as the price of the ransom of the prisoners. After much exertion, nearly one lakh and 80,000 rupees were raised from the jagirs and from the property which had been left in the town of Thalner. To make up the balance, the sarafs and merchants of Nandurbar were importuned to raise a sum, small or great, by way of loan. But they would not consent. The inhabitants of the town of Nandurbar had not paid the chouth to the Marathas and being supported by the Faujdar, they had closed their gates, which greatly annoyed the Marathas. Hussain Ali Khan also was greatly incensed by their refusal to assist him; so he took counsel with Marathas and agreed that after a seige of a day or two and some exhibition of force, he would open the gates to them. He made it a condition that the rayats should not be plundered, but that the great and wealthy men, the sarafs, the merchants and the Mukadams, might be put to the rack and tortured until the balance of the ransom due to the Marathas was discharged. The result was that a sum of one lakh and forty thousand rupees was paid to the Marathas instead of eighty thousand, and that Hussain Ali Khan himself realised nearly thirty thousand rupees. When (the result of the action) was reported to Aurangzeb, he was very angry and said that there was no use in fightine when too weak to win. [ Muutakhabu-1-Lubab in Elliot, VII, 362-63. However, if the headman came out and agreed to pay a certain sum, they were left unmolested by the Marathas —Elliot. VII, 465.]

"In this way the towns of Nandurbar, Sultanpur, Jamud and many other well-known towns of Burhanpur, Berar and other subhas of the Deccan were invested by twenty-eight thousand horsemen for two or three weeks, who were finally beaten off". [ Miintakhabu-I-Lubab, Elliot, VII, 465. ]

"Towards the end of the reign of Aurangzeb, Rani Tara Bai, widow of Ram Raja, kept up a state of warfare with the emperor for ten or twelve years after her husband's death. She then offered to make peace upon condition of receiving a grant of the sar-deshmukhi of the six suhbas of the Deccan at the rate of nine per cent. For the honour of Islam and for other reasons Aurangzeb rejected this proposal". [ Ibid.]

Aurangzeb died in l707, "leaving behind him the field of these provinces devoid of trees and bare of crops, their places being taken by the bones of men and beasts. Instead of verdure all is black and barren. There have died in his armies over a hundred thousand souls yearly, and of animals, pack-oxen, camels and elephants, etc., over three hundred thousand. In the Deccan provinces from 1702 to 1704, plague (and famine) prevailed. In these two years there expired over two millions of souls". [ Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 300.] This disorder still further increased after 1707. The province of Khandesh had been totally desolated. [Ibid, 313.]

Bahadurshah.

When Shahu was set at liberty, he went off to Mohan Singh, a noted rebellious zamindar, in the difficult mountain country of Bijagarh, Sultanpur and Nandurbar. He supplied Shahu with some necessary equipments, and Shahu then went on to a Maratha named Ambu, but more famous under the name of Pand, who was an active rebel. This man held the fort of Kokarmanda [On the north bank of Taptl river.] in Sultanpur and ravaged the whole country from Surat to Burhanpur. He furnished Shahu with a body of men, and sent him to his native country. [ Muntakhabu-1-Lubab, Elliot, VII, 395.]

By 1710, a Maratha woman named Tulashi Bai, with fifteen or sixteen thousand horse came demanding payment of the chouth to the town of Ranavir, seven kos from Burhanpur. Having surrounded the sarai of Ranavir, in which a great number of travellers and villagers had taken refuge, she sent a message to Mir Ahmad Khan Subhedar, demanding payment of eleven lakhs as chouth to save the town and the men who were besieged in the sarai. Mir Ahmad, in his contempt for a female warrior, having got together a force of eight or nine thousand horse, part his own, and part obtained from the faujdars of the vicinity, and with all the officials of Burhanpur, marched out of that place. The Maratha lady having got intelligence of his approach, left three or four thousand men in charge of their baggage, and marched to meet Mir Ahmad Khan with four or five thousand veteran horse. The remainder of the Maratha force was sent to invest and plunder the suburbs of Burhanpur. Mir Ahmad Khan was severely wounded in the sharp encounters which he had with the Maratha force in the course of two or three days; but hearing of the investment of Burhanpur, he returned to succour the besieged. Wherever he went the Maratha hovered round him and kept up a continuous fight. Zafar Khan was wounded fighting bravely, and finding that the enemy's force was increasing, he deemed it necessary for saving his life to take a son of Ahmad Khan with him, and go to the city. The men of his rear guard were nearly all killed, and his remaining men endeavoured to save their lives by flight. Many were made prisoners. Mir Ahmad Khan, who was left alone fighting with the enemy, received several wounds, and fell from his horse; but he dragged himself half dead under a tree and obtained martyrdom. [ Muntakhabu-l-Lubab in Elliot, VII, 422-23.]

Farrukh-Siyar.

Farrukh-Siyar enthroned himself on 11th January 1713 and the six provinces of the Deccan were conferred on Nizam-ul-Mulk (Chin Qilich Khan Bahadur, son of Ghazi-ud-din Firuz Jang of Aurangzeb's time) with his headquarters at Aurangabad and deputies in each of the component provinces. [ Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 331; Elliot, VII, 442. The date given in Muntakhabu-l-Lubab happens to be 9th February 1712 A. D.] But intelligence arrived (in the Deccan) of the appointment of Amir-ul-umra Hussain Ali Khan to the Subhedari of the Dakhin, and of the despatch of sanad appointing Najabat Khan Subhedar of Burhanpur for civil affairs, and Haider Quli Khan his Diwan for revenue affairs. Nizam-ul-Mulk accordingly left Aurangabad with the intention of proceeding to court and got as far as Burhanpur. There he found that two or three Maratha leaders with a large force were making threatening demonstrations; so he took horse, and went forth to attack them. The Marathas were unable to make any resistance and after chastising and pursuing them for forty kos, he returned to Burhanpur and resumed his journey to court.

Hussain Ali Khan who was on his journey from the capital, passed within one kos or two of Nizam-ul-Mulk's army. Hussain Ali Khan also heard that Daud Khan Panni, Subhedar of Ahmed-abad, in pursuance of orders from Farrukh-Siyar, became Subhedar of Khandesh and that he had come to Burhanpur. The dispute between the two could not be settled amicably. Daud Khan refrained from making his submission to Hussain Ali Khan because he had very close relations with the Maratha chiefs. Niba Sindhia had encamped near Burhanpur, with several other Maratha chiefs, so that at the proper time, he might join the stronger party. The dispute came to the test of a battle. Hussain Ali Khan had 15,000 horse with him, while Daud Khan had not more than three or four thousand Afghan horse, but Daud had placed Hiraman Baksariya, his chief swordsman, in command of his advanced force. A desperate fight followed in the plain of the Lai Bagh of Burhanpur. Daud Khan had fought vigorously and even caused confusion by inflicting blows on Mir Munsif, who was renowned for his bravery and personal strength. At this critical moment, a musket ball struck Daud Khan and killed him. Niba Sindhia and other leaders congratulated Hussain Ali Khan, on his victory and fell to plunder the baggage of Daud Khan's army. [ When the result of the battle and the death of Daud Khan was reported to Farrukh-Siyar, his countenance seemed clouded with sorrow and he said to Kutb ul-Mulk Sayyid Abdullah that it as a pity such a renowned and noble chief had been killed. Kutb-ul-Mulk replied, "If my brother had been slain by the hands of the Afgan, it would have given your Majesty satisfaction"—Muntakhabu-I-Lubab in Elliot, VII, 451-54.]

Relieved of his rival, Hussain Ali Khan busied himself in settling the country. But Khanderao Dabhade held the subha of Khandesh and in each of the, two subhas of the Deccan a Maratha chief was appointed Subhedar for the collection of the Maratha chouth, in the same way as the Imperial Subhedars were appointed. Hussain Ali Khan sent his bakshi, Zulfikar Beg with three or four thousand horse and five or six thousand musketeers, to chastise this chief. Zulfikar Beg and a number of his followers were killed. It is commonly said that not one bullock, camel or horse belonging to that army was saved. Hussain Ali Khan, thereupon sent Rajah Muhakkum Singh, his diwan, with a suitable force, against Khanderao and directed his brother Saif-ud-din Ali Khan, Subhedar of Burhanpur, to support the Rajah. Saif-ud-din had gone out of Burhanpur towards Sultanpur and Nandurbar for settling the country. But these two accomplished nothing in the end. Khanderao's garrisons which were posted in various places held their ground. [Muntakhabu-1-Lubab in Elliot, VII, 463-64. The fact of the disagreement between the Emperor and the Sayyids well was known from the Fimans and orders which had been sent secretly to Raja Sahu, the Diwans and the chief zamindars of Karnatik, desiring them not to obey Husain Ali Khan. They had accordingly shown resistance—Ibid, 464.]

Two or three years of Hussain Ali Khan's Government passed in quarrels with the Emperor, so that although, he raised a large army, he could not show the vigour necessary, nor effect such a settlement as he himself desired and the charaoter of the Sayyids of Barha required. Acting upon the advice of Anwar Khan, one of the Shaikh-zadas of Burhanpur, who were patronized by the Sayyids and upon the counsel of other trusted nobles, he availed himself of the services of a Brahman named Shankraji. [ "He had been one of the principal servants of Shivaji and Sambhaji and in their confidence. After the conquest of Jinji, he entered the Imperial service and acted as vakil of those Maratha chiefs who had submitted and of some who had not. He was not wanting in intelligence—Muntakhabu-1-Lubab in Elliot, VII 466] A treaty was made with the Maratha, and Hussain Ali Khan ceded them the one-fourth (chouth) and one-tenth, Sardeshmukhi, of the Khandesh revenue. [Ibid, 468.] For districts near Nandurbar, special arrangements were made, paying no heed to the special contracts made by Hussain Ali Khan, there. However, Farrukh-Siyar was not ready to admit the Marathas as partners in matters of revenue and Government. However, the terms were agreed to, due to the influence of Balaji Vishvanath in 1720.

Nizam-ul-Mulk.

Nizam-ul-Mulk, meanwhile had been active. He had been appointed governor of Malwa but after the murder of Farrukh-Siyar, he revolted and crossed the Narmada at the head of 12,000 men. He was joined by Rustum Beg Khan, Faujdar of Bijagadh. [ Also called Kahargaon, between the Narmada and Tapi, about sixty miles north-west of Burhanpur Elliot, VII, 490.] On the same day, he crossed the Narmada, an envoy came from Usman Khan, a soldier (hazari) of the fort of Ashir, proposing to surrender the fortress. He gained possession of this strong fortress of Ashir with the help of the garrison whose pay was two years in arrears and imprisoning its aged and incompetent com mander.[ Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 343.] He next sent Muhammad Ghyas Khan to reduce Burhanpur. Sayyid Alain Ali Khan, the acting subhedar sent Muhammad Anwar Khan to defend Burhanpur, but he was wanting in courage and gave up in despair. A step-mother of the Sayyids' was in Burhanpur [ The children and dependents of Saifud-din Ali Khan, brother of Hussain Ali Khan had come to Burhanpur. on their way to Delhi, Elliot, VII, 490. ]and the men of her escort, in their terror, offered to surrender all valuables carried by the party on the condition that the lives and honour of their charges were spared. Nizam-ul-Mulk behaved gallantly. He refused to accept anything, sent a present of fruit to the children, and provided an escort io conduct the whole party in safety to the Narmada. Nizam-ul-Mulk was joined at Burhanpur by Iwaz Khan, Nazim of the Subha of Berar and by many other adherents and he re-mamed there for some time to get his artillery in order. [ Early in June, 1720, he turned Northwards to meet the pursuing force, which was composed of picked men including a large number of Barha Sayyids, but their valour was no match for the tactics of Nizam-ul-Mulk, who gained a complete victory near Khandwa. A forced march to Burhanpur of a detachment of the troops which had taken part in the battle of Khandwa, arrested the further progress of an army which was advancing from the South—Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 343; Elliot, VII, Muntakhabu-1-Lubab, 495-96.]

Sambhaji of Kolhapur had gone to Asaf jah (Nizam-ul-Mulk) in October 1726, and kept claiming to be placed on Shivaji s throne. With the support of many leading Maratha Sardars, Asaf Jah assembled a large army for the invasion of Maharashtra in November, 1727, in the interest of Sambhaji. But his plan leaked out and Shahu struck the first blow by launching Baji Rao's army upon the Nizam's dominions. The Nizam's advanced division, led by Iwaz Khan attacked the Maratha bands. However, Baji Rao, avoiding pitched battles, began a series of bewilderingly rapid marches, which completely baffled and exhausted his enemy. [ "In this cross-country race over a vast broken country, the Nizam, with his mail-clad, heavy cavalry and cumbrous artillery, was completely out-manoeuvred by the Maratha light horse and foiled painfully behind it without being able to prevent its ravages or to bring it to an action"—Burn—Mughul Period, IV, 380.] After a feint against Burhanpur, Baji Rao made a dash eastwards to Mangrul, beyond Basim in the extreme east of Berar (20th December) and then turning sharply to the north-west, crossed the Tapi some distance west of Chopda (30th December) and the Narmada at the Baba Piara ford (14th January 1728), and arrived within 25 miles of Broach. Then he swooped down due south, spending a fortnight near Songadh (forty-five miles east of Surat) and doubled back northwards across the Tapi and the Narmada to the Ali Mohan country (fifty miles east of Baroda city) on 11th February. From this point he was recalled by news of tbe danger to Poona and reached Betavad (twenty miles north of Dhulia in Khandesh) on 24th February.

In the treaty that followed on 22nd March, the Nizam abandoned Sambhaji's cause. Shahu's collectors were restored to all their former places. But this treaty did not bring peace. The events of 1727 left behind them a spirit of mutual suspicion and alarm which continued for the next four years, with occasional conflicts between local officers and small invading bands of both sides. In March 1731, the Nizam had gone to Burhanpur, suppressed a rebel, Mohan Singh, and held secret consultations with Muhammad Khan Bangash (the new viceroy of Malwa) and after a fruitless chase of Baji Rao through Khandesh and Ballan, returned to Aurangabad.

Unsuccessful in war, the Nizam at last entered into a secret compact with Baji Rao, by which the Maratha Government promised to leave the Deccan unmolested and to levy nothing beyond the stipulated chouth and sardeshmukhi from them, while the Nizam agreed to remain neutral during the projected Maratha invasions of Hindustan, provided that they did not injure his province of Khandesh in their northward march through it.[ Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 382.] This pact was confirmed in December 1732 and the district enjoyed comparative peace. During the next four years, the Government followed an even course; Nizam used to go out on tour every winter and return to Aurangabad or Burhanpur, for cantoning during the rainy season. He followed his usual practice of changing the local officers every two years.

However, the Maratha depredations at Delhi involved the Nizam also, who, a second time, despairing of reforming his master's government or even of preserving his own honour in that court, finally left Delhi on 7th August 1740 and returned to Burhanpur on 19th November. Meanwhile, Chimaji Bhonsle raided the environs of Burhanpur. In April 1739, Baji Rao began to confiscate grants near the capital of Khandesh. Nasir Jung formed the plan of usurping the Government of Deccan from his aged and absent father and this news brought Asaf Jah to Burhanpur, where he halted for two months, trying to reason with his son. The Nizam crossed the Tapi on 16th January 1741 and after a friendly meeting with the new Peshwa Balaji Rao on the bank of the Purna, [ At Adilabad.] crossed the Kasar Pass and reached Aurangabad in March. [ Burn, Mughul Period, IV, 283.] Asaf Jah died in 1748 and four years later, Salabat Jung came to terms with the Marathas, on a new footing. To meet the invasion by Ghazi-ud-din, eldest brother of Salabat Jung, Bussy arranged for Salabat Jung a defensive subsidiary alliance with Balaji [ It was signed on 5th August 1752.] ceding to the Peshwa the province of Khandesh (reserving only the important forts and the city of Burhanpur) along with other territory. [ Robert Orme, History of the Military Transaction, I 328; Burn, Mughul  Period, IV, 388.]

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