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In 1740, with the help of his half-brother Tulaji, Sambhaji again attacked Manaji's territory, took Alibag, Thai, and Sagar-gad, laid siege to Kolaba, and cut off the garrison's supply of fresh water. In these straits Manaji appealed to the Pesva Balaji Bajirav and the English for help, attacked the besiegers, and took Tulaji, prisoner. The English ships chased Sambhaji's fleet to the Ratnagiri coast, and forced Sambhaji to retire to Suvarnadurg. [Bom. Quar. Rev. IV, 77.] No further steps were taken, as Manaji, finding that the Pesva's "officers were scheming to take possession of Kolaba, patched up a truce with Sambhaji, and designs of Pesva's officers were stopped by the news of Bajirav's death. Sambhaji, free from the risk of attack from the north, spread his power over the Ratnagiri sub-division of Dabhol and over the greater part of Savantvadi (1740). He died on 12-1-1742 [S. N. Joshi: Angre Shakavali p. 94. S. N. Sen gives the date as 12-12-1741.] and was succeeded by his half-brother Tulaja. Sambhaji's fleet consisted of eight vessels of 400 tons each.

Sidi seeks Peshva's Protection.

As has already been noted the rivalry between Angre and the Pesva caused a certain friendliness between the Sidi and the Pesva. In 1744, to prevent Angre from taking possession of the fort of Madgad about twelve miles south of Janjira, the Sidi left it under the charge of the Pesva and made an assignment for its support. On the death of Sidi Hasan in 1745. the chief ship of Janjira was for a time usurped by one Sayyad Allana,, but was recovered in the following year by the rightful heir Sidi Ibrahim Khan.

Tulaii Angre, 1742-1755

Pursuing his policy of weakening the Angres, the Pesva's commandant of Mahuli fort attacked Manaji's districts in 1747 un successfully near the Thal pass in Thana. Shortly after this the Janjira Sidis sent a strong force against Kolaba, but as in the meanwhile Ramaji Mahadev had brought about a reconciliation between Manaji and the Pesva, Manaji got timely assistance from him and the Sidis were completely defeated between Thal and Nagariv, a few miles north of Alibag. The new Angre chief in the south proved no less destructive to British shipping than his brother Sambhaji. In 1749 he attacked Commodore James' fleet, and after a hard fight was driven with great loss to Gheria. Next year, in spite of his defeat, Tulaji was bold enough to attack Commodore Lisle in command of a fleet of several vessels, among them the Vigilant of sixty-four and the Ruby of fifty guns. [Milburn's Oriental Commerce, I, 296.] Again, in February 1754, he attacked three Dutch ships of fifty, thirty-six, and eighteen guns,, burnt the two large ones, and took the third. So great were the strength and activity of Ahgre's fleet that it cost the East India Company Rs. 5,00000 a year to protect their trade. [Low's Indian Navy, I, 124.] Elated with this success Tulaji built several vessels, set two large ships on the stocks, and boasted that he would soon be master of the Indian seas.

The Sidi at Surat,1746-1759.

During this period the attention of the English was diverted towards Surat, where in the faction fighte which had raged after Tegbakt Khan's death in 1746, the English took advantage of the faction and extended their support to Miya Acan who was at first so successful that he secured both the government of the city and the command of the castle in 1748. But in 1751 his rivals Safdar Khan and his son Vakhan Khan, who had the support of the Sidi and of the Dutch, by the promise of half the revenues of the city, won Damaji Gaikvad to their side. Miya Acan was forced to give up the government of the city and retire to the castle. This command, also he soon lost. Some ships of the Sidi reached Surat just before the burst of the rainy season, and, under the plea of stress of weather,, remained in the Tapi until their commander Sidi Masud, a man of great ability, found an opportunity of seizing the castle. On. losing the castle Miya Acan retired to Bombay [Stavorinus' Voyages, III, 52.].

On learning of the defeat of their faction at Surat, the English and the Pesva who was jealous of the Gaikvad's success, joined in a scheme for ousting Safdar Khan and Sidi Masud and sharing the command of the city. The English engaged to equip a fleet and attack Surat from the river, while the Pesva sent an army to act on the land side. But soon after this agreement, the Gaikvad removed the Pesva's jealousy by promising to give him one-half of his share of the Surat revenues. The Pesva's army was recalled and the English fleet was forced to retire to Bombay. In con-sequence of this English interests at Surat suffered. Their gardens and cattle were taken from them, the factors were imprisoned, and under the influence of the Dutch, the head factor was forced to sign (November 1751) a treaty with the governor and Sidi Masud, agreeing to send from Surat all the soldiers in the Company's service, European as well as Indian. [Aitehison's Treaties, IV, 485-587.] This treaty was repudiated by the Bombay Government and in its place, in 1752, a fresh set of articles was drawn up, under which their property was; to be restored, and the English paid a sum of Rs. 2,00,000 for the expense they had incurred in the struggles and the loss sustained at their custom house.

During the following four years (1752-1756) Sidi Masud, while continuing on friendly terms with Safdar Khan, the governor of the city, and the Dutch, drew into his own hands the entire management of the city. In 1756 Sidi Masud died and was succeeded by his son Ahmad Khan. As Ahmad Khan was a youth who had none of his father's power, Surat was again disturb-ed by factions. The Sidi and the Dutch favoured one All Navaz Khan the rival of their old ally Safdar Khan. And in retaliation Safdar Khan adopted one Fails Khan as his heir and turned for help to the English offering them the post of admiral if they would drive the Sidi from the castle. This offer was not accepted, in January 1758 Safdar Khan died, and in spite of the claims of Fans Khan,, was succeeded by Ali Navaz Khan, the ally of the Sidi and of the Dutch. On the accession of Ali Navaz Khan, the supporters of Faris Khan proposed to the English chief that Fans Khan should be appointed governor of the city, and that the English should undertake the command of the castle and of the fleet. If the English agreed, the supporters of Fans Khan guaranteed five yearly payments of Rs. 2,00,000. The English were willing; but the treaty was never concluded as the Pesva was jealous of this increase of English power and threatened to attack Bassein and Bombay. [Grant Duff, 303. The immediate grounds for the English expedition against Surat were that the Sidi's people had (1758) insulted some Englishmen and refused redress, and that the Sidi had proved himself unfit for his post as admiral, being unable to hold his own against the Maratha fleet. Select Committee, Nawab of Surat's Treaty Bill. 10-11.]

Why Peshva sought to control the Angres.

Unfortunately it was too late for the Marathas to be so jealous of the English power; for it was the Pesvas themselves that were instrumental in allowing them to be so powerful. After the death of Sekhoji in 1734, Sahu and the Pesva followed the policy of settling the dispute of the Ahgre brothers, Sambhaji and Manaji by dividing their power, Sambhaji being placed at Vijaydurg with the title Sarkhel, and Manaji being stationed at Kolaba with the title Vazaratmab. The matters, however, did not rest there. Ever since the rise of the Maratha confederacy under Sahu, the problem that always beset its leader was how to compel the recalcitrant Maratha Sardars to pull together. Nizam was ever watchful to fish in troubled waters and take advantage of any faction. The Pesva had to defeat all his plans and compel the Maratha Sardars by force, if need be. to tow the line of a common policy. This is the secret of all civil wars in Maratha history of this period, that often perplex a historian who is often inclined to blame the central power for indulging in what may be called internal factions. Tulaji, with all his wonderful achievements in striking terror in the hearts of foreign powers, always presented a problem for the Pesva, because after the death of Sahu, he would never accept him (the Pesva) as his leader, who ever anxious to achieve his aim of bringing Tulaji under control allowed his discre-tion to be overpowered by his ambition and held negotiations with the English. In fact, for long, the Pesva and the Bombay Government planned his ruin.

Siege of Gheria, 1755.

At last, on 29th March 1755 [Sen: 'Military System of the Marathas', p. 204 gives details of the strained relations between the Angres and the Peshvas.] an agree-ment was finalised between Ramaji Mahadev Bivalkar, [The fort surrendered on 12th April 1765-Sardesai.] Pesva's Subhedar of Kohkan and Richard Bourchier, the Governor of Bombay, and Commodore James was immediately instructed to Siege of Gheria, 1755. proceed from Bombay and attack Suvarnadurg. Ramaji with only a few of Maratha gallivats accompanied him. The English captured Suvarnadurga on 24-1755. The conquest of Vijaydurg was a difficult task and it was therefore settled that, in the next fair season, the Pesva's troops should attack Tulaji from land and the English by sea. At the close of the year (Dec. 22, 1755) Commodore James was sent to survey Gheria fort, which was then thought to be as strong as Gibralter. He found that ships could get within point-blank shot; that, on shore, a diversion could be made by carrying guns to the tops of two hills; and that the fort was crowded with unprotected buildings. The place was surprisingly unlike what he had heard. [I assure you, Sir, it is not to be called high, nor, in my opinion, strong. It is indeed a large mass of buildings, and I believe the walls may be thick. But that part of the works which fell under my observation and which was three-quarters of their circumference is quite irregular, with round towers and long curtains in the eastern manner, and which discovered only thirty-two embrasures below and fifteen above. Commodore James, 21st December 1755, Ives' Voyages, 80.] The Bombay Government were fortunate in having in their harbour a Royal Squadron under Admiral Watson arriving from England and a strong detachment of troops under Lieutenant-Colonel afterwards Lord Clive. On the 7th of April, 1756, the fleet of twelve men-of-war, six of the Royal and six of the Company's navy, with 800 European and 600 Native troops, and five bomb vessels with a company of artillery, and four Maratha grabs and forty gallivats, sailed from Bombay. [The details were: Royal Squadron one 70 guns, one 66 guns, one 60 guns, one 50 guns, one 20 guns, and one 16 guns; Company's Squadron, one 44 guns, four 28 guns and one 16 guns. Of the Native troops 300 were Portuguese and 300 sepoys. Low's Indian Navy, I, 134. These details differ slightly from those given by Orme. Frag. 408--417 in Nairne's Konkan, 92. Sardesai writes, "On 7th February 1756, fourteen British ships of war with a force of 800 English troops and a thousand Indians, left Bombay under Clive and Watson, all by the sea route (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, Vol. II, p. 360).] A few vessels were sent ahead to block the harbour and the fleet arrived off Gheria on the eleventh. The Maratha land force, which had been in the field since December 1755 marched from north to south and captured almost the whole territory of Tujaji except the fort-ress of Gheria. Tulaji was thus completely isolated. On the arrival of the British fleet, Tulaji Ahgre, terrified by its strength, left the fort in his brother's charge and surrendered to Khandoji Mankar the Maratha general. On the next morning (12th),. Admiral Watson summoned the fort to surrender. As no answer was sent, the fleet formed two divisions and sailed in with the afternoon sea breeze, each ship covering a bomb ketch, and protecting the column of smaller vessels from the enemy's fire. They passed the point into the river, and, anchoring fifty yards off the north fortifications, under a heavy fire, battered them from 150 pieces of cannon. Angre's ships were all fastened together under the fort, and a shell on setting one on fire the whole were burnt. [One ship of 74 guns, eight grabs of from 20 to 30 guns, and sixty gallivats. Low's Indian Nan, I, 136. Of Angre's ships Dr. Ives (1755) writes: ' They are not unlike the Tartans of the Mediterranean only a great deal lower; they carry two guns in the bow and vast numbers of men. Their music is a plain brass tube, shaped like a trumpet at both ends and about ten feet long and a drum called a tom tom, a skin stretched on a large shallow brass pan, on which they strike with two large sticks and make an amazing noise. Among them are two ketches which they call grabs. ' Several of the gallivats had blue or green or white pendants like the Portuguese at the masthead, and one had a white flag with a red cross in the middle. Ives' Voyage, 43, 80.] Another shell set fire to the buildings in the fort, and the tremendous cannonade silenced the guns [According to another account the same fire which burnt the ships passed to a large vessel lying on the shore, and from her to several smaller craft that were in building. From the building yard it made its way to the arsenals, store-house, suburbs and city, and even to several parts of the fort, particularly to a square tower where it continued burning all the night with such violence that the stone walls appeared like red-hot iron. Ives' Voyage, 85.]. Still the commandant held out. To prevent the fort being handed over to the Marathas, Colonel Clive landed and held the ground between the Pesva's army and the fort. Next morning the Admiral again summoned the fort to surrender. The commandant asked for time to consult his brother. A respite was granted, but, as no answer came, the bombardment was re_opened in the afternoon. By five O'clock the garrison surrendered, and Colonel Clive marched in and took possession. [According to Dr. Ives (Voyage, 85), Colonel Clive in making his approaches from the land greatly annoyed the enemy. At quarter past five he came to the Admiral's ship bringing an officer from the fort with the articles of capitulation. These were agreed to by himself and the two Admirals, and an English Officer was sent to take possession of the fort and to hoist English colours. Then Captains Forbes and Buchanan were detached with sixty men to see the garrison lay down their arms, and on the 14th at sunrise, the Colonel and the whole army marched into the place.]

Fall of Gheria,1756.

Though the masonry was destroyed the rock defences were perfect. A determined garrison need not have yielded only to a sea attack but as there was no hope of any help from land, the garrison lost all hope and surrendered as stated above. Fifteen hundred prisoners were taken: eight Englishmen [Ives (Voyage, 88) gives the names of ten English.] and three Dutchmen were rescued; and plunder, amounting besides stores to Rs. 12,50,000 was divided among the captors. [Milburn's Qriental Commerce, I. 296. In Gheria were found 250 cannons, six brass mortars., an immense quantity of stores and ammunition, Rs. 10,00,000 in silver and Rs. 30,00,000 worth of valuable effects (Ives' Voyage, 86). According to Dr. Ives (Voyage, 81-82), a council of sea and land officers which was held before setting out on the expedition, to avoid disputes, had settled that Admiral Watson as Commander-in-chief of the king's squadron should have two-thirds of one-eighth of the spoil and Rear Admiral Pocock one-thrid of one-eighth, while Lieut. Colonel Cilve and Major Chambers were to share equally with the captains of king's ships. The captains of the Company's ships and captains of the army were to share equally with lieutenants of men-of-war and subaltern officers of the army, and lieutenants of the Company's ships with warrant officers of the navy. Afterwards, as the officers of the army objected to their Commander-in-Chief sharing with captains of men-of-war, Admiral Watson undertook to make Colonel Clive's portion equal to Admiral Pocock's. Under this arrangement after Gheria fell, a sum of about Rs. 10,000 was found due to Colonel Clive from Admiral Watson. This Admiral Watson sent With his compliments; but Colonel Clive was generous enough to refuse it, saying that he would not deprive the Admiral of the contents of his private purse, and that he had appeared to accept of the terms only for the good of the service.] The ruin of Angre's navy was completed by the destruction of the sixty gun ships on the stocks. Four of the Company's vessels and a detachment of 600 European and Native troops were left to guard the harbour and fort. [Nairne's Konkan 95.] Tulaji Angre remained a prisoner till his death. [According to Sardesai, he was first confined at Rajmachi, then at Ahmadnagar, Chakan, Daulatabad, Poona and finally at Vandan near Satara, where he died in 1786. (Marathi Riyasat: Peshva Balajirav, p. 184). His tomb and those of his six wives, one of whom became a sati, are shown at Vijaydurg.] According to the agreement made in the preceding year (1755) Bankot, with eight surrounding villages and Dasgahv were made over to the British. [Aitchison's Treaties, V. 17.] The Bombay Government anxious to consolidate their position in the south, insisted on keeping Gheria to themselves although no such agreement had been made and offered to give Bankot in exchange. But the Pesva would not agree and after a good deal of correspondence which resulted in some bitterness, the English had to handover Gheria to the Pesva in the following October. The Pesva made it the headquarters of a district and the seat of his Admiral Anandarav Dhulap, whose descendants are still settled at Vijaydurg. Anandarav guarded the interests of the Marathas in a vigorous manner. [In 1780 Anandarav attacked and captured an English ship carrying to the Court of Directors, and imprisoned an officer in Rasalgad near Mahabaleshwar. Again in April 1782, in spite of a gallant resistance, he captured the Ranger, a ship of the Bombay Marine. In 1800 Lieutenant Hayes was sent to harass the pirates but, though he punished them severely, they were soon as troublesome as ever. In May 1818 Colonel Imlack, attempting to take Vijaydurg, was met by so heavy a fire that his ships were forced to cut their cables and run. But the whole of the district had now passed to the British, and in June of the same year the commandants, two brothers of the Dhulap family, surrendered. In the. river was taken the Admiral's ship, 156 feet long, 33 beam, and 430 tons burden.]

Death of Manaji 1759.

Turning to the story of Kolaba, as Manaji was in the Deccan, in 1757 helping the Pesva against the Nizam, his lands were invaded and plundered by the Sidis. On his return (1758) Manaji drove them out of his territory, but failed in an attack on Danda-Rajpuri. [Rao Saheb Bal Ramchandra.] Manaji died in 1759. [Manaji died on 23rd September 1758. Sardesai.] In spite of the troubled times in which he ruled, Manaji, with the help of his brother Dhondji, is said to have added to the revenue and improved the condition of his state. [Mr. Dunlop, 15th August 1824, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec..121 of 1825, 13-14.] He was succeeded by Raghuji, the first Angre of that name, the eldest of his ten illegitimate sons. [The names were Raghuji, Mahimaji, Chimaji, Dhondji, Krishnaji, Tulaji Hiroji, Tukoji, Sambhaji and Ramaji. According to Sardesai Manaji left 14 sons, 10 legitimate and 4 illiegtimate.]

Sidi ousted from Surat,4-3-1759

During this period the English were able to win another diplomatic success over the Marathas on the Western Coast at Surat. Miya Acan, who since his loss of the command of the Surat castle in 1751 had been living in Bombay, returned to Surat in 1758, and in December partly through his own influence and partly through Sidi Ahmad's support, expelled Ali Navaz Khan from the government of the city and established himself in his place. Sidi Ahmad was now all powerful in Surat, and left to Miya Acan not so much as the nomination of his own officers. Miya Acan resented this interference and a feeling of distrust sprang up between him and the Sidi. As -the government of the city was bad, and as there was the risk that the Marathas might step in, the Surat traders petitioned the English chief to take command of the castle and fleet. Trusting to this feeling in their favour, and strengthened by the presence of a squadron of men-of-war and by the great ability of Mr. Spencer, their chief at Surat, the Bombay Government determined to make an attempt to oust Sidi Ahmad from the command of the castle and the fleet. To prevent the Marathas from taking part in the struggle, the Bombay Government induced them to agree, that, on account of the ruin to trade caused by his command of the castle, the Sidi should be turned out of Surat; that the English should take possession and have the sole command of the Surat castle; that the fleet subsidy or tanka should be divided into three shares, one for the English, one for the Pesva, and one for the Surat Navab; and, that the Marathas should not take part in any quarrels or disputes that might arise in Surat.

On the 15th February 1759, a body of land forces consisting of 800 Europeans, 1,500 Native Infantry, and a detachment of Royal Artillery, arrived off the mouth of the Tapi. Captain Maitland of the Royal Artillery was in charge of the land force, and Captain Watson of the Company's Marine was in command of the armed vessels. The troops landed near Domas and dislodged a party of Sidis who held the French garden to the west of the outer wall of the city. The outer walls were battered but with little effect, till a joint attack from the land side and from the river was organized on the Sidi's garden, just within the north end of the outer wall. Boats were landed and the Sidis driven inside of the inner wall. The inner line of fortifications and the castle had still to be taken. But a very brisk cannonade for about twenty hours, aided it is said by the connivance of the Dutch chief and of one of the Sidi's officers, brought the besieged to terms. It was proposed to Miya Acan and his party to continue Miya Acan as Governor of the city, on condition that Faris Khan was made Deputy Governor, and that the English were put in possession of the castle and of the fleet subsidy. Miya Acan accepted these terms, and, on the 4th of March 1759 the agreement was concluded. Upon this Miya. Acan opened the Mecca gate in the inner wall, and, the Sidi, judging further resistance useless, agreed to give up the castle. His people were allowed to march out with their arms and accoutrements, and to take away all valuable effects including the furniture of their houses. [ Details of the siege and capture of Surat are given in Bombay Gazetteer, 11,1877. pp. 126-127.]

The Maratha Officers of the place who were watching this struggle between the Sidi on one side and Miya Acan aided by the English on the other, soon realised that they were losing their hold over the fort and the fleet in Surat harbour and were further likely to lose their hold over the town also, resolved to make a move and blockade the city from the landside. The Bombay Government then sent a protest note to Nana Phadnis at Poona and immediately secured his orders to call off the blockade. Nana evidently complied with request of Bombay to maintain the good will of the English, but as subsequent events proved it was a great mistake. The new authorities of Surat managed to keep the people in good humour by presentation of shawls and pieces of silken cloth (kinkhab) to the leading officers and citizens of Surat including a few Maratha Officers stationed there. In the mean-while the English made representations to Delhi, asking for sanads, and thus legalising what had really been an act of overt aggrandisement on their part. At Delhi, although the Emperor was on the throne, all his powers were exercised by Gazi-uddin on behalf of the Marathas, who although in possession of the de facto sovereign power at Delhi at that time, were always content to play the role of the principal advisers of the Emperor. This inferiority complex proved the bane of the Marathas at this time and even later. For, the agents of the Marathas were not vigilant enough and even before they could think of moving effectively the English had secured the sanads from Gazi-uddin who acted for the Emperor. The Poona Darbar protested to the English ambassador Mr. Price and not unnaturally felt that since they were the principal advisers of the Emperor, Gazi-uddin could not issue the sanads without their express permission. The English were pre-pared for such a possible objection; for Mr. Price was instructed to reply by telling the Pesva that the sanads by which they had been appointed Commandant of the Surat fort and Admiral of the Moghal fleet were as valid and as legal as the sanads by which the Pesvas presumed to interfere in the Surat affair. [T. S. Shejwalkar Surat Episode in Deccan College Research Bulletin, December 1947.]

Raghuji Angre.1759-1793

Turning to the history of Kolaba after Manaji's death in 1758 and the succession of his son Raghuji, the Sidi attacked their territory, destroyed many temples, 'and laid waste many villages, but with the Pesva's help Raghuji succeeded in driving them out. He attacked the Sidi fort on the island of Underi near Khanden, took it after a severe struggle on 28-1-1759 and presented it to the Pesva in return for the help given by the Pesva's troops. Underi was named Jayadurg. The fort of Kansa or Padmadurg near Murud was also captured on 212-1759. Janjira itself would have met the same fate, had not Sadasivrav Bhau been called to the north. Raghuji was more cautious than other Angres in his raids on trading ships, and was a good ruler and did much to improve his territory by free grants of salt-marsh at Ceul, Aksi, Thal, and other coastal villages. Forbes, who visited Alibag in 1771, found Raghuji living in the island fort of Kolaba though his palace, treasury, stables and gardens were on the mainland in Alibag. He was a man of comely person, pleasing countenance, and princely manners. He paid the Pesva a yearly tribute of Rs. 2,00,000, and held his lands on military tenure furnishing a supply of troops. The district seemed to be fairly prosperous. It was barren and rocky in parts, but there were cultivated plains enlivened by a busy peasantry. There were many travellers and droves of oxen. The valley of the Ceul river between Kolaba and Roha was popu lous and cultivated. Alibag also was pleasant and well-tilled.[Forbes' Oriental Memoirs, I. 207, 209, 211, 223.]

Manaji Angre,1793-1817.

Raghujr [It would be convenient at this stage to treat the history of the Sidis and of the Angre family separately; for with the collapse of Tulaji Angre, the initiative of sea faring activities rested with Poona and the story of the Angre family presents more or less a smooth narrative of those that carried out the orders of Poona. It must, however, be said that their entanglement with the affairs of Poona, particularly during the period of its decadence caused great revolutions and the later history of the Kolaba branch of the Angres would have been much different if they would have been left to look after themselves. As the Sidis and the Angres came to be only remotely connected with each other during the later period, we propose to trace the test of the history of the Sidis as a supplement to the history of Angre family of Kolaba and give it towards the end of this chapter.] died in 1793, leaving by his wife Anandibai, a lady of the Bhosle family, two legitimate sons Manaji and Kanhoji both of them children, and an illegitimate son of mature age jaysing. Jaysing appointed the infant Manaji to the chiefship, and continued to act as his Karbhari during the latter's minority, with the consent of the Poona Darbar. [Dhabu, Kolabkar Angre, p. 253.] But Anandibai, Manaji's mother, jealous of Jaysing's influence over her son, laid a plot for his destruction. Hearing of the plot, Jaysing arrested and executed two of her chief advisers, threw four of them into prison, and banished all the members of the Bhosle family from the territory. On this, the Pesva sent on his behalf Madhavrav Hari Phadke and Jivaji Ballal to restore order and bring about settlement. On reaching Kolaba, Manaji confirmed, with the fullest approval of the Pesva, the old arrangement and ordered the ladies of the Angre household not to interfere in political matters. [Ibid, p. 254.]

Disappointed in her hope of any help from the Pesva, Anandibai gathered troops, besieged the Kolaba fort, imprisoned Jaysing, and executed his chief adviser. After four months Jaysing escaped, and collecting some followers besieged Hirakot in Alibag. Anandibai led an army against the besiegers, and, in a bloody and hard-fought battle defeated Jaysing with such a loss that he fled to Poona. In Jaysing's absence his wife Sakvarbai collected some troops and succeeded in taking Nagothana. On hearing of his wife's success Jaysing returned from Poona, won several battles, and so utterly defeated (1796) the rival army near Ceul that Manaji with a few followers fled to Mahad and Anandibai died of vexation. Jaysing marched to Alibag and took the forts of Hirakot, Sagargad and Khanderi.

Hearing that the Pesva had promised to help Manaji, Jaysing applied for aid to Baburav, Sinde's commander-in-chief who was a relation of his own, a son of Yesaji who was himself the illegiti-mate son of Kanhoji the founder of the Angre family. Baburav first agreed to come to Jaysing's assistance. But as he had much influence with Sinde, he arranged that any attempt of his to gain possession of Kolaba for himself would have the Pesva's support. With this understanding Baburav set out for Alibag and picking up a quarrel with Jaysing, with the help of Daulatrav Sinde and his general Haripant, took the Alibag fort of Hirakot, and treacherously seized Manaji, Kanhoji and Jaysing. Sakvarbai, Jaysing's wife, once more came to her husband's help, and took the fort of Khanderi. In 1799, Manaji, who with his brother Kanhoji had fled to Poona, returned with a few followers. But after two defeats, at Ceul and at Nagothana, both he and Kanhoji were again made prisoners. Baburav, who was now undisputed master, was invested with the chiefship by the Pesva Bajirav II. Soon after he attempted without success to take Khanderi from Sakvarbai. On the failure of his attack Baburav sent a message to Sakvarbai and persuaded her to meet her husband Jaysing who was falsely reported by Baburav to have been waiting for her at Alibag. Sakvarbai fell a victim to this trap and left Khanderi. In her absence Baburav not only captured Khanderi but succeeded in arresting Sakvarbai with her husband and children. Baburav put Jaysing to death and threw Sakvarbai and her children into prison. Jaysing's eldest son Murarji escaped to Bombay and in 1807, collecting a force of 2,000 men, placed it under the command of one Bacaji Seth, a goldsmith of Revdanda. Bacaji captured the fort of Hirakot in Alibag and Sagargad. But Baburav getting help from the English by sea and from the Pesva by land and bribing Bacaji's officers, captured him and some of his leading supporters, and either hanged them or hurled them down the Sagargad rocks. In 1813 Baburav died, and for a year after his death the State was managed by his widow. Then Manaji pro-claimed himself chief and his claim was recognised by the Pesva, who, in return for his support, received the island of Khanderi and twenty villages yielding a yearly revenue of Rs. 10,000. [ These villages were restored to Angres in 1818, a few days before the out-break of hostilities between the Peshva and the English.] These troubles and disorders caused such injury to Kolaba, that the yearly revenue fell to about Rs. 3,00,000. Manaji died in 1817.

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