The Gazetteers Department

In the same year (1759) in which they lost command of Surat castle, the Janjira Government obtained possession of Jafarabad on the south coast of Kathiavad. The connection between the Sidis of Janjira and Jafarabad arose in the following way. In 1731 Turk Patel and certain other Koli landowners of Jafarabad committed a robbery or piracy near Surat. They were seized by Sidi Hilal who was then protecting the shipping of Surat and, as they had nothing to pay as ransom, they offered the port of Jafarabad. Sidi Hilal went to Jafarabad and obtained the village by a written agreement. In 1749 a fort was built and an agent and captain appointed. In 1759 some disputes arose at Jafarabad, and, through the intervention of the English, who - were anxious to keep the Sidi as an ally and to make up to him for the loss of Surat castle, it was decided to appoint Sidi Hilal manager or faujdar of Jafarabad under the orders of the Janjira Government. In return for their help, the Sidi engaged to supply Bombay with live cattle, an important matter for the English, as the overthrow of the Portuguese and the establishment of Maratha power had closed all other Kohkan markets.[Detailsof the treaty are given in Aitchison's Treaties, IV(1876), pp. 163, 165.]

Internal Disorder, 1762-1772.

In 1760, after a friendship of twenty-five years, a rupture took place between the Sidis and the Marathas. Ramaji Pant, the Maratha Governor of the Kohkan, assisted by a Portuguese corps, took the territory left to the Sidi by the treaty of 1736, and attacked and besieged Janjira island. [Colonel Etheridge's Report, based on Poona records, shows that from 1757 to 1760 the 5� mahals belonging to the Sidi were in possession of the Peshva. Aitchison's Treaties, V. 20.] Janjira was saved by the English, who, emboldened by the ruin of the Marathas at Panipat (14th January, 1761), hoisted the British flag at Janjira, and compelled the Marathas to respect it. In a treaty concluded in September of the same year, they procured for the Sidis the promise that their country should not again be molested and that the territory taken from them by Ramaji Pant should be restored. [Aitchison's Treaties, V. 20. The Sidi afterwards took improper advantage of the protection afforded by committing several acts of violence in the Maratha territory, of which the English were obliged to mark their disapprobation in the strongest manner. Grant Duff, Vol. I, 534 note.] In 1762, Sidi Ibrahim was murdered by his slave Yakut who usurped the chiefship to the prejudice of Abdul Rahim, the nearest heir, and ruled as Sidi Yakut Sanni. The British Government tried to arbitrate between Yakut and Abdul Rahim, but Abdul Rahim was secretly aided by the Marathas, and would yield nothing of his claim. A British force was sent to enforce a settlement and Abdul Rahim fled to Poona. In 1768 another attempt was made to effect a compromise, but this also failed. In 1772, as it was feared that the Pesva might support Abdul Rahim, it was arranged that Abdul Rahim should be put in possession of Danda-Rajpuri in subordination to Sidi Yakut, who also promised him the succession to Janjira at his death. [Details are given in Aitchison's Treaties, IV. (1876), 332-33.] Sidi Yakut died shortly after this agreement, and Abdul Rahim succeeded him and continued to rule till his death in 1784. [After fruitless efforts to take Janjira, Abdul Rahim entered the fortress as a disciple of Sidi Yakut, who was well versed in the Qoran. Abdul Rahim is said to have murdered his preceptor. Janjira State records.] On Abdul Rahim's death, Sidi Johar,, the commandant of Janjira, seized the chiefship to the exclusion of Abdul Rahim's eldest son Abdul Karim Khan, commonly called Balu Miya. [Sidi Yakut had made a will bequeathing the State to the second son of Abdul Rahim under the guardianship of his friend Sidi Johar. Grant Duffs's Marathas, Vol. II, 233.] Balu Miya fled to Poona and his cause was strongly supported by Nana Phadnis, who was anxious by any means to gain the island of Janjira. Johar appealed to the English to settle the dispute, declaring that he would fight so long as he had one man left and the rock of Janjira remained.

Sachin Nawabs, 1791

Efforts were made to prevent the outbreak of war, and, in 1791, on making over his claims on Janjira to the Pesva, Balu Miya [Balu Miya was the founder of the Sachin Nawab. Details are given in Bombay Gazetteer, VI, 260.] was guaranteed a tract of land near Surat, yielding about Rs_: 75,000 a year. [The terms of the engagement are given in Aitchison's Treaties, IV. (1876). 334, 335.] As this settlement between the Pesva and Balu Miya freed the English from the burdensome obligations which bound them to Janjira, they were only too glad to ratify the treaty, which they did on 6th June 1791. In fact with this treaty the last vestige of the Sidis in Indian affairs passed away. [Banaji: Bombay and the Sidis, page 158. This is indeed true, but as the subsequent events will show, Sidis ever remained in isolated possession of the island. and the fort of Janjira evei after the extinction of the Maratha rule and also during the succeeding rule of he British.] The Pesya does not seem to have been able to establish his influence in Janjira, and the State remained virtually independent, at least in its internal administration. Sidi Johar ruled for six years (1784-1789), and was succeeded by Sidi 'Ibrahim otherwise known as Dhakle Baba. He ruled till 1792, when his slave Sidi Jumrud Khan threw Ibrahim into prison, where he remained till Jumrud's death in 1804. After Jumrud's death Ibrahim was restored to the chiefship and continued to rule till his death in 1826. He is described as very fair for an Asiatic, a mild and kind ruler, and hospitable to strangers. [ Clunes' Itinerary, 24.] During his chiefship the sovereignty of the Konkan passed (1803-1817) from the Pesva to the English.

Relations between the Sidi and the English, 1809-1839

Although the new rulers avoided interference in the internal affairs of the Sidi, complaints of people in his State often used to be referred to the Governor of Bombay, who often had to take notice of them and address communications to the Sidi in polite 1809-1839. terms. In 1809 we find the Governor writing to the Sidi asking him to take "effectual measuies to remove the cause of the present reproach", which, as the correspondence shows, referred to the marriage of the Sidi in which the other party was unwilling. [Banaji: Bombay and the Sidis, p. 160.] Sidi tried to claim customary exemption from the payment, of customs in regard to goods imported in his territory; but the Bombay Government asked him to withdraw his claims. The correspondence continued for two years from 1814 to 1816. historical precedents were cited and points of dispute were debated upon; but the company remained firm and the concession claimed by the Sidi was not granted. [Ibid, p. 167.] In 1825 some of the coastal merchants complained that their boats were plundered by the inhabi-tants living in Sidi's territory. The complaint was lodged with the Governor of Bombay. One Eduljee Parsee arrived at Murud with Governor's letter and the complaint was amicably settled for which he (Eduljee) gave "in return a discharge in full written in Marathi language and bearing his signature in Guzeratee". In 1826, Sidi Ibrahim was succeeded by his son Sidi Muhammad. In 1834 the British Government declared Janjira to be subject to the British power and in virtue of its supremacy, abolished the Janjira mint which issued debased coinage. In 1835 a complaint was lodged over a matter which was more or less of a ceremonial character. It appears that a Vakeel of the Sidi landed in Bombay with swords and other accoutrements to which the Custom Master objected. In reply to the memorandum the Sidi was told that, that was against the Police Rules of the place and therefore arms could not be allowed. Sir John Malcolm, making a general observation regarding the psychology of the Princes deprived of their sovereign power, observed that they fondly "cling to the forms of their station". Sir John further observes "the pride of reason may smile at such a feeling, but it exists and it would be alike opposite to the principles of humanity and policy to deny it gratification". It was, however, evident that Malcolm's view was not shared by the then Governor of Bombay.

Besides these incidents, there was a dispute between the Sidi of Janjira and the Nawab of Junagad over claims that Sidi had over the Nawab arising out of the relations between the Nawabs of Jafarabad and Junagad. The matter was referred to the Governor of Bombay in 1836 and the decision of the sovereign power was accepted by both. [ Banaji: Bombay and the Sidis, p. 177.] In 1838 there was an interesting case of Mr. Davies, a civil officer, being presented with a pair of shawls by the Sidi. The officer reported the matter to the acting Collector of Thana and it was ultimately resolved on the advice of the Political Department that the shawls be sold by public auction and the amount be credited to the Honourable Company's account. [ Ibid,p.178.]

These incidents show that although the Sidis had lost the sub-stance of power they clung tenaciously and pathetically also to their former greatness. In 1826 Sidi Ibrahim was succeeded by his son Sidi Muhammad.

In 1848 Sidi Muhammad abdicated the throne in favour of his son Sidi Ibrahim Khan.

State of Janjira,1855

For many years, though so close to Bombay, little was known of Janjira. The chief showed much dislike to correspond with the Bombay Government. The country was believed to be covered with malarious forests infested with tigers, and to be sparsely inhabited by a fever-stricken and oppressed people. Crime of every kind was imputed to Sidi officials, to the Nawab himself, and to his relations. Even for trivial offences the common punishment was mutilation. No European's life was safe. The crew of an English ship landing at Janjira were stoned. In 1855, an abduction and murder and the carrying away of a merchant from British territory, compelled the Bombay Government to fine the Nawab and interpose in the Government of the country. [ Mr. A T. Crawfordis Administration Report for 1876,] The rights and privileges of the sardars, who originally were consulted in State affairs and had a share in the administration, had been disregarded by the Nawab and his predecessor. In 1867 so bitter were the quarrels between the chief and the Sidi sardars, that the Bombay Government urged the chief to provide an independent court to try serious offences. Two years later (1869), the Nawab was deprived of criminal jurisdiction, and a Resident British Officer with limited judicial powers was appointed to the political charge of the State. Civil and revenue jurisdiction were left in the hands of the chief, but he was bound to communicate with Government through the political officer and to follow his advice.

Sidi Ibrahim 1870

In 1870 the Nawab went to Bombay to pay his respects to His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh, and stayed in Bombay in the hope of regaining his lost authority. During his absence the administration of civil justice fell into disorder, and irregularities in collecting revenue occasioned many disputes. The sardars indignant at the Nawab's prolonged absence, at his extravagance, at his partiality for Hindus, and at the violation of their privileges, broke into rebellion, seized the fort of Janjira, and placed Sidi Ahmad Khan, the eldest legitimate son of the Nawab on the State cushion justifying their conduct by their right to depose a chief for neglect and incompetence. In response to an appeal from the Nawab, the Bombay Government sent Mr. Havelock of the Bombay Civil Service to Janjira to inquire into the causes of revolt. Mr. Havelock decided that the pretensions of the sardars were groundless, but that they and the other subjects of the Nawab had great cause for complaint. It was accordingly decided to restore the Nawab on his complying with the terms of an agreement, by which he undertook to reform the administration, to be guided by the advice of the British Government, to appoint a proper police, and to frame a code of revenue laws. [Details are given in. Aitchison's Treaties, IV (1876), 329-30.] The Col-lector of the district of Kolaba was made Political Agent and the Resident Officer his assistant. Under the new system the sardars continued to urge their original claims. But the Nawab refused the title and station of sardars even to his own family and treated them as members of the fort garrison whom he could dismiss at his pleasure. In 1872, Mr. Soloman, the then Political Agent, inquired into the claims of the sardars. He decided that most high offices in the State had been usually held by sardars chosen from time to time by the Nawab and paid by salaries, and that sardars who did not hold office were, by custom, entitled to allowances. In 1872,

The Nawab's visits to Bombay.

the Nawab attended Lord Northbrook's Darbar in Bombay, but was mortified to find he was placed below the chief of Sarin. In 1873, the sardars were induced to submit to the Nawab. They apologised for their conduct in deposing him and begged that their lands and allowances might be continued according to the Nawab's pleasure. In the same year the Prabhu favourites, who were reported to have exercised so evil an influence on the Nawab, were prohibited from holding any appointments. In 1875, the Nawab again went to Bombay to pay his respects to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, and was much pleased by the Prince's kind and courteous reception. In 1876, the Nawab relinquished his monopoly on the sale of tobacco, abolished the tax on persons leaving the State by sea, and arranged that a steamer should ply between Bombay and Janjira. In 1877, on the score of his loss of revenue from a bad harvest, the Nawab was excused attendance at the Imperial Assemblage at Delhi.

Ganapati Riots 1877.

In September 1877, a series of riots took place between the Hindu and Musalman subjects of the Nawab. According to the rules of the State, Hindu processions and music were forbidden during the month of Ramjan, from the 1st to the 12th of Muharram, and during two other months. Music was not allowed on Sunday or Thursday nights and during the whole of Friday. If weddings or great Hindu festivals fell during the forbidden periods, the Hindus were allowed to play music within their houses, unless the house was near a mosque or a Muhammedan's house, in which case music was forbidden. Music was never played near mosques at prayer time.

In September 1877, as the Ganapati holidays fell in the Muhammedan month of Ramjan, under previous rules the Hindus were forbidden the use of music. On the 26th of August, just before the beginning of Ramjan, under the influence of his Hindu advisers, the Nawab issued an order, which, though skilfully worded, in effect withdrew all restrictions on Hindu processions and music, except that the music was not to be played in front of mosques. This order was communicated to Mr. Larcom, the Assistant Agent, and as he heard no objections, he supposed that the order had been issued to meet the difficulty of the Ganapati processions happening during Ramjan. He, therefore, ordered the magistrates to enforce the new rules. When they came to understand them the Muhammedans took bitter offence at the new rules, and getting no redress from the Nawab, determined to prevent the Hindus from playing music in public. Between the tenth and the sixteenth of September seven disturbances took place. In some cases the Musalmans were most to blame, entering Hindu houses and breaking idols; in other cases the fault lay with the Hindus, who played music in front of mosques. The offenders were in most cases fined and forced to apologise. The above order was withdrawn, and another order, fair to both sides, was prepared by a committee of leading Musalmans and Hindus.

In November 1877, the quarrels between the Nawab and his sardars were renewed. Many of the sardars, individually and collectively, represented their grievances to Mr. W. G. Pedder, C. S., the then Political Agent. The grievances which, in Mr. Pedder's opinion, required redress, were the power of the Prabhu officials, the careless destruction of the forests in inam lands, the resumption of grants, the withdrawal of the rights of over-landholders, the refusal of reply or redress, and the disuse of complimentary letters and privileges. Mr. Pedder strongly urged on the Nawab the necessity of redressing these grievances.

Mr. Pedder's Report.

The inquiries which Mr. Pedder made, in connection with the Hindu and Musalman riots and with the sardars' complaints, showed that the police and criminal administration, which was supervised by the Assistant Political Agent, had been greatly improved and was satisfactory. Education, which also was directly under the Assistant Political Agent, was progressing fairly. All other branches of the administration were corrupt and bad. The land revenue system of fixed grain rents, changeable to cash at current prices at the option of the landholder, was not unsuited to the circumstances of the State, and taxation was not excessive. But the officials embezzled much of the revenue and defrauded the people. It was true that, except grant of inam lands, the soil belonged to the Nawab, but there were certain customary limits to the exercise of his rights as overlord, and he was said to go beyond those limits by turning off landholders who had not failed to pay their rent. A large proportion of the revenue was consumed in grants and claims. There was no proper record of these claims, and old claims were stopped and fresh claims granted without rule or system. The financial administration was as bad as it could be. There was no statement of accounts and no audit. Instead of all revenue being received into and all payments being made out of the treasury, assignments on rents were issued to such an extent that in one division only about 100 out of 1,100 khandis of rice ever reached the Government granaries. Civil justice was almost a farce; no redress was given in suits against favourites of the Nawab. There were no public works, no water-works though waterworks were much needed, no landing places, and no roads. The reckless cutting of timber was destroying the forests. Finally, there was no responsible manager and the State officials were inefficient and corrupt. [Mr, Pedder's letter to Government, No. 516 of !5th April 1878.]

Ibrahim's death,1879.

In 1878, a kdrbhari was appointed with civil and magisterial powers. On the 28th of January 1879 the Nawab Sidi Ibrahim 1879. Khan died. He left three sons, two by a concubine, and one Sidi Ahmad Khan, the youngest, by his lawful wife. The party in favour of the illegitimate sons being stronger installed the eldest as Nawab in spite of the protest of Assistant Agent.. The Bombay Government annulled this election and Sidi Ahmad Khan was recognised as the Nawab, installed on the Gad! on 11-6-1879. The young Nawab, then only nineteen years old, stayed at the Rajkumar College in Rajkot till September 1881. During his minority the administration was in the hands of the karbhari under the orders of the Assistant Agent, and subject to the supervision of the Political Agent.

sidi Ahmad Khan.

On his return from Rajkot he was advised to stay in Poona for getting a wider outlook. On 30-1-1882 he was married to Ahmad Bibisaheba, the sister of the Nawab of Savnur, but she died in 1885. He was married later to the daughter of Haji Hasan Faizee of Bombay. In March 1883, the Nawab returned from Poona, but for some time Soloman, the Political Agent, acted as a joint administrator with a view to initiate the Nawab in the details of administraton. On the 11th of October of the same year, the Governor conferred upon him all the powers and the joint administration was removed. The Nawab soon endeared himself to his subjects by his kind behaviour. He started a high school, introduced the drawing classes and encouraged physical education in the State. Murud was cleared of the jungles and roads were constructed for communication. In 1892, effort was made to secure pure water for the city by the construction of what is. known as Victoria Jubilee Water Works. The State soon came to be equipped with a number of modern facilities and municipal and local board institutions started. These activities justly earned for the Nawab the title K. C. I. E. The Nawab of Jafijira used to pay no tribute and had no patent allowing adoption. In matters of succession the son used to succeed whom the chief persons of the State considered best fitted to manage the State. The chief was given a force of 700 men for garrison and police duties and had a salute of nine guns.

Soon after India attained political independence in 1947, the State was merged in the Indian territory and the Nawab was pensioned off. The state has now become a part of the present district of Kolaba.

Thus the Sidis that first sprang forth as a political power on the west coast of India towards the end of the 15th century under the Nizamshahi dynasty of Ahmadnagar later became tributaries of the Adil Shahi Sultans of Bijapur and subsequently of the Moghal Emperors. They managed to survive in spite of all the efforts of the Marathas to destroy their power, sometimes by skilfully developing friendly relations either with the English or with the Portuguese. Maratha power rose and fell but the Sidis lived under the paramount power of the British. Even the British quited India but the tiny power of the Sidis clung to the sea coast with a tenacity of a tortoise, till at last a heavy shake-up put into motion by Sardar Vallabhabhai Patel engulfed it into oblivion. The chequered career of the State and the tenacity of the Sidis should indeed form a worthy subject of study for a student of history.

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