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HISTORY
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THE PORTUGUESE
THE PORTUGUESE. 1500 TO 1600.
With the rise of the Portuguese in India, a conflict between them and the
Indian powers was inevitable. The Rajas of Goa, Dabhol and Chaul had
encouraged emigration from Arabia and these first Muhammedans were elevated to
public offices. This had already given umbrage to the Christians and the jews
who became their determined enemies, yet as the country of the Deccan and
Gujarat was gradually brought under Muhammedan subjection, their enemies were
unable to do these Arabian settlers any material injury until the Portuguese
invaded India [These settlers were given the appellation of Nowoyits which
literally means, the new race. (Briggs, IV, 533-34).].
Varthema in 1503 speaks of Dabhol as extremely good, surrounded by walls in
the European fashion, containing a great number of Moorish merchants and
governed by a pagan king, a great observer of justice [Bom. Gaz.
X, 328, (Cf. Badger's Varthema, 115).]. Dabhol commanded a sufficiently great
naval force as it is evident from the fact that when the Raja of Calicut
solicited help from the Deccan Rajas and sent ambassadors to Egypt against the
Portuguese because they waged war against the Muhammedans. Dabhol fleet
co-operated with the admiral Munsoor Ghory, sent by the Caliph of Egypt, along
with the fleet of Mahmud Shah of Gujarat, in opposing the Portuguese at Chaul.
However the Arab vessels fell in the hands of the Portuguese [In 1508, the
kings of Gujarat and Egypt entered into an alliance against the Portuguese,
Ind. Ant., III, 100 (April 1874). Briggs, Ferishta, IV, 536, 74, 75; Nairne,
43. Briggs, Extracts from Faria-e-Souza's history, Ferishta, III, 507 (The
account differs slightly). James Bird, History of Gujarat, 214-215.].
In 1507 Dom Lourenco de Almeida destroyed seven vessels of the Moors in the
port of Chaul because they entered without returning his salute. He then went
to Dabhol "where he discovered the Calicut fleet a short distance up the
river". The Portuguese, however, did not engage the fleet which left Dabhol.
When the Portuguese fleet had proceeded about four leagues, the leading
vessels espied a ship sailing up a river and two of them followed until it
cast anchor opposite to a town (probably Jaygad) where there were several
other vessels. Seeing the chase, Dom Lourenco sent a galley after them, and
the three together began to clear the shore of many natives assembled there;
proceeding up the river they burnt all the ships in the harbour, excepting two
laden with riches from Ormuz, which they carried away. They also burnt a house
on shore that was full of much valuable merchandise [Danvers, Portuguese in
India, I, 126; Nairne, 43-44; (The commander is referred to as Don Lorenzo
d'Almuda); Briggs, III, 506. A. J. L. Sequeira, Ibid., 78. Dabhol was
one of the most noted coast towns with a considerable trade and stately and
magnificent buildings, girt with a wall, surrounded by country houses and
fortified by a strong castle garrisoned by 6,000 men of whom 500 were Turks.
Before it was pillaged by the Portuguese, Dabhol was De Castro says, a very
large and noble settlement, the emporium of all India, thronged by the
Persians, Arabs and traders from Cambay.].
Far more serious was the Portuguese attack on Dabhol in 1508 A.D. The
Portuguese in 1508 A. D. "proceeded to Dabhol, then a place of great trade and
considerable wealth, with the intention of attacking it. The Portuguese fleet
entered this port on the 30th December [Faria-de-Souza states the date as 20
December 1508-Briggs, Ferishta, III, 507.A. J. L. Sequeira, Ibid., 80.
Don Francisco Almeida left Goa with a fleet of nineteen vessels and 1600 men
of which 800 were natives. Briggs, extracts from Faria-de-Souza, Ferishta,
III, 507.] and at their approach the garrison was increased and every
preparation made to meet an attack. The Portuguese at once landed and dividing
themselves into three bodies, attacked the three gates of the city
simultaneously. These were all defended with desperate valour. Whilst the
attack was proceeding, the viceroy sent Nuno Vaz Pareira to gain entrance by
another way, which he succeeded in doing in spite of a resolute resistance.
The enemy seeing themselves thus taken in flank at once broke and fled, some
to the mosque and others to the mountains. The fight lasted about five hours,
during which 1500 of the defenders were killed, but only sixteen Portuguese.
The next morning the viceroy gave leave to plunder, but this was hindered by
the firing of the town and in a few hours it was reduced to a heap of ashes.
The booty taken only amounted to 15,000 ducats. It was afterwards ascertained
that the viceroy had ordered the town to be destroyed, fearing that if his
soldiers realised too great riches, they might be unwilling to follow him in
carrying out his further designs.
"The ships in the harbour fared the same fate as the town. The fleet left
Dabhol on the 5th January 1509 [A. J. L. Sequeira, Ibid., 53, 81.
Danvers, Portuguese in India, I, 140; Ind Ant., II, 280; Nairne, 44.].
Those who escaped, came back and restored the city. But Sangameshvar had been
now the headquarters of the Bijapur Governor. Barbosa (1514) speaks of it as
Singuicar, a town of much commerce and merchandise with many ships from
diverse ports and was known for its ship-building activities. It was also,
though this was probably at Jaygad at the river mouth, a great stronghold of
pirates [Bom. Gaz. X. 372 cf. Stanley, Barbosa and Decoutto, XII, 30,].
"The Portuguese captured Goa on the 4th March 1510. The Sultan of Bijapur made
preparations to recapture the fort. He was assisted in this enterprise by the
Rajah of Sangameshvar". Whilst he was thus engaged Albuquerque received a
letter from Mandalay, Lord of Condal (Kudal) informing him that Baloji, Lord
of Pervalay and of the kingdom of Sangameshvar, was in communication with
Rocalkhan, a captain of the Cabaio, and with Melique Ratao, Lord of Carrapetao
(Kharepatan) and that all these three had sent their ambassadors to Adilkhan,
desiring him to furnish them with men, in order that they might, with that
assistance, make a descent on the Portuguese with a view to the recapture of
Goa. He also stated that Baloji was already at Banda with 2,000 men intending
to defend that land on behalf of the Adilkhan [A. J. L. Sequeira, 151. Danvers
Portuguese in India, I, 192; Ind. Ant. II, 280.].''
During the peace parleys [Note.-It is not likely that the Portuguese in
the beginning of the 16th century with all their great schemes would have
troubled themselves about Ratnagiri district, if there had not been in it
ports and marts of too great importance to be left in the hands of their
enemies, the Turks. But Chaul and Dabhol could not be so left, while the
Portuguese could not spare men enough to establish themselves in these ports
in the same ways as they had determined to do at Goa. The state of the
Muhammedan kingdoms which divided the Konkan among them, was however at this
time entirely favourable to the designs of the Portuguese. The Northern Konkan
as far south as Nagothne had belonged to Gujarat but the southern Konkan had
only just been divided between the dynasties of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar. The
rivalry which existed between these two was probably the cause of the
Portuguese first obtaining a footing in the Konkan. The Ahmadnagar king, who
had possession of the coast from Nagothne to Bankot, admitted them into Chaul
and at a very early date accepted the protection of their fleet for the
vessels which frequented his ports, and for that protection paid them a
tribute and allowed them to establish a factory at Chaul. This was between
1512 and 1521. And by the latter year the Portuguese had obtained permission
to build a small fort there and had command of the whole river. The captaincy
of the fortress was already an important appointment in 1524 when Vasco de
Gama took charge of the viceroyalty there, as the first port touched at. On
the other hand the Bijapur king was too powerful on the coast to accept the
protection or acknowledge the supremacy of the Portuguese fleet and the
consequence was that Dabhol was destroyed. On several subsequent occasions,
the destruction, was repeated; for Dabhol was so great a place of resort for
ships from Malabar and Arabia that it very soon recovered its importance. The
Gujarat fleet was also attacked by the allied forces of the Portuguese and
Ahmadnagar. Ferishta says that in 1510 Goa was ceded by the king of Bijapur to
the Portuguese as the condition of their not molesting the other towns on the
coast and that they kept this treaty. The Portuguese historians, however, give
a very different account; for according to themselves they were constantly
marauding Dabhol. Nairne, 45-46; Ind. Ant. II, 280. The Sultan of Bijapur
offered a friend by alliance if the Portuguese would protect the import of
horses into Dabhol.] before the assault on Goa, Albuquerque advised the Sultan
of Bijapur to raise the siege and "surrender Dabhol to the Portuguese, that
they might erect a fortress at that place [Danvers, Ibid, I, 195.
A. J. L. Sequeira, the relations between the Portuguese and the Sultans Of Bijapur, 52,
53, 166.] ".
Although the Sultan captured Goa, it was retaken by the Portuguese, on 25th
November 1510.
Efforts on the part of the Sultans of Bijapur to recapture Goa from the
Portuguese continued throughout the 16th century but without success. The
Portuguese retaliated by blockading and attacking the port of Dabhol and other
places in the district thus seriously affecting the coastal trade of the
region.
In 1512, Albuquerque commanded Garcia de Gousa to take certain ships and
cruise off the bar of Dabhol and not permit a single vessel to go into or out
of, the port with the object of making war upon Adilkhan, wherever he was able
to prevail against him [Danvers, Ibid, I, 253; A. J. L. Sequeira, 313.].
The ambassador sent by Prestes Joao, king of Abyssinia arrived at Dabhol. He
came in a ship from Zeila but when he came to the port of Dabhol, he was
detained by the Governors of the city who refused to give him up without the
consent of the Sultans of Bijapur. They immediately wrote to the court of
Bijapur of his arrival and detention. D. Gracia de Noronha sent Estevao de
Freitas to Goa informing Alfanso de Albuquerque of what had happened. Estevao
de Freitas was immediately sent back with the reply that he should be sent on
to Goa. D. Gracia de Noronha requested the Governors to give him up to him, at
the same time informing them of the orders sent by Albuquerque. They were
reluctant to hand him over but fearing that the Portuguese might back up the
request with force, they delivered him up. [A. J. L. Sequeira, O. C; 319.]
In 1514, the trade of Dabhol was again interfered with by the Portuguese.
Albuquerque "irritated at his (Adilshah's) conduct in giving shelter in his
kingdom to certain Portuguese of low degree, and treating them with honour and
distinction sent a secret message to Duarte de Gousa, who was cruising off
Dabhol in a galley, that, acting as though he had mutinied, he was to take
possession of all the ships of the Moors which might put into that port even
if they carried the Portuguese safe conduct [Ibid, 302; still the Muhammedan
hold on Dabhol was not less stiff. In 1515, a Persian Ambassador had embarked
at Dabhol on his way back, from Bijapur-Ind. Ant. II, 280.]."
The district suffered much from the marauding expeditions of the Portuguese as
in 1522, the Portuguese landed and levied a contribution on Dabhol [Ind. Ant.;
II, 280; A. L. J. Sequeira, Ibid, 60.]. The Gujarat admiral, Mulik Eiaz
continued for many days off the ports and interrupted all communications
between the persons constructing the factory on shore (at Chaul) and the
Portuguese fleet [Briggs, Ferishta, III, 512, 513; Bird, History of Gujarat,
237,].
"The disagreements between Bahadur Shah (Gujarat) and Boorhan Nizam Shah I,
being now at an end, the latter was at leisure to attend to the administration
of his dominions and accordingly by the wise policy of Kanhu Narsi, he reduced
in a very short time (1531) thirty forts belonging to the Maratha Rajas who
had not paid allegiance since the death of Ahmad Nizam Shah; after which he
enlisted them in his service, giving them back their lands in jageer,
on condition that they should supply troops [Briggs, Ibid, III, 226.].
The Portuguese built the fort of Revadanda [Briggs, Ibid, III, 522; IV, 538.].
In 1547 Joao de Castro made treaties both with Ahmadnagar and Vijayanagar,
offensive and defensive, against Bijapur. The Portuguese were bound to defend
the coast of the Ahmadnagar kingdom against pirates, in return for which they
were to receive as payment sailors' provisions and timber for their ships. The
treaty with Vijayanagar contained also many stipulations as to trade. Both
stipulated against the ports of this coast being open to or any help being
given to fleets or ships of the Turks [Nairne, 47, Cf. Annaes Maratimos-e-Colonials
(1884), 69, 72. A. J. L. Sequeira, Ibid, 61 400/401. The treaty with
Vijayanagar on 19th September 1547 and the treaty with Iniza Maxa (Nizam shah)
on 6th October 1547.]. Immediately after these treaties followed the
Portuguese expedition of 1547 [Dabhol and Bankot were still important places
and the Gujarat army had left these waters in possession of the Portuguese.
The Bijapur Governor of Sangameshvar scheming to make himself independent
asked for but was refused the Portuguese help. Asad Khan of Belgaum
endeavoured to induce Don Garcia, the Governor General of Goa to deliver over
the prince Mullo Khan of Bijapur into his hands. Asad Khan promised to make
over Konkan, yielding a million sterling, to gain his purpose. But Asad died
and the Portuguese agreed to deliver the prince to his brother. Dom Joao de
Castro, under the name of Beicoim describes (1540) the Bankot river with great
detail. It took the name Beicoim from a town on the south bank about a league
from the river mouth. Ships went there to load wheat and many other kinds of
food and had its harbour not been so difficult, it would have been one of the
first places on the coast. Briggs, Ferishta, III, 516-517; Bom. Gaz. X, 372,
321. X'avier arrived in India in 1544 and once visited Kharepatan, Nairne,
56.], which seems to have exceeded all previous ones in cruelty and severity,
for every place between Goa and Shrivardhan is said to have been burnt by the
Portuguese, Dabhol being always the first place to suffer [Nairne, 47; Ind.
Ant. II, 280. Bankot was also destroyed by the Portuguese Bom. Gaz. X, 321.].
In 1547 A. D. "The Governor sailed with 160 ships along the coast of Por and
Mongalor, burning and destroying the beautiful cities of Pate and Patane
together with the vessels in these ports. He did the same to Dabhol, and then
returned to Goa, laden with a rich booty taken at those places [Danvers, The
Portuguese in India, I, 479, Briggs, Ferishta, III, 518, 519; A. J. L.
Sequeira, 401.]". In January 1548, he reduced Dabhol to ashes [A. J. L.
Sequeira, 403.].
In 1556 A.D., Miquel Rodriques Coutinho continued "going to the territories of
Salsette and Bardes against some troops of the Adilkhan ................
destroyed all the sea ports with fire and the sword, and captured a large
number of ships. Having killed a number of the enemy, made many prisoners, and
captured some valuable goods from a large Mecca vessel at Dabhol after a sharp
engagement, he returned with honours and riches to Goa [A. J. L. Sequeira, The
relations of the Portuguese and the Sultans of Bijapur (Bom. Uni.) 39,61,436.
Ibid, 507,].
The same year Barreto "received orders to proceed to Dabhol, and join his
forces with those of Antonis Pareira Brandac, admiral of that coast, with the
view of destroying that place, in revenge for the actions of the Adilkhan.
Having attacked the city, which was vigorously defended for some time, it was
captured and reduced to a heap of ruins [Ibid, 508; Nairne, 47; Ind.
Ant. II, 280.
A. J. L. Sequeira, O. C, 437.
Nairne states that the Bijapur
forces were defeated at Achra and on the' Karli river, both near Malvan.]".
In 1564 a Portuguese vessel lay off the mouth of the river of Kharepatan and
between 5th February and the end of March took more than twenty trading
vessels belonging to the Gujarat ports and bound for Kharepatan, burning them
and putting the crews to death [Frequent mention of Kharepatan is made by the
Portuguese historians,. This shows that the place must have been, at that
time, of considerable trade. Ind. Ant., III, (April 1874), 102.].
In 1570 the kings of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar entered into an alliance against
the Portuguese and while the Bijapur troops in great force invaded the
district around Goa, those of Ahmadnagar besieged Chaul area, which was
defended by Don Francisco de Mascarenhas, afterwards the first viceroy under
Philip II of Spain. This was one of the severest trials the Portuguese ever
had to undergo and the result covered them with glory. They estimated the
troops of Ahmadnagar which invaded their territories at 42,000 cavalry and
120,000 infantry. King Murtaza Nizam Shah marched against the fort of Revdanda
belonging to the Portuguese, but was obliged to raise the siege after a
blockade of some months, as the enemy obtained provisions by sea, owing to the
help of the Nizam Shahi officers who were bribed by the presents, particularly
of wine [A. J. L. Sequeira, Ibid, 39, 445.
Briggs, Ferishta, III, 522.
While
this was going on the Portuguese were able to make an attack from Bassein on
Kalyan, which then belonged to Ahmadnagar. The suburbe were burnt and a
considerable booty taken-Nairne, 49.']. The Portuguese fleet under Dom
Fernando de Vascone ellos also destroyed Dabhol [Ind. Ant. II, 280; Nairne,
Ibid.
Gujarat historians speak of Dabhol, Dand Rajpuri as European ports is
1570 A. D. Bird, Mirat-i-Ahmadi (History of Gujarat), 129.
A. J. L. Sequeira,
Ibid, 62, 63, 456, 464-480.].
A Portuguese force in 1571 landed at Dabhol with the intention of burning it
as usual, though one would suppose that, as only one year had elapsed since
the last occasion, there would not be much worth burning. But, the Governor,
Khwaja Ali Shirazi, having heard of their intentions laid an ambush and put to
death 150 of them. However, the Portuguese burnt Kharepatan. It is evident
that by 1560 the Portuguese were entirely masters of this coast and once
established they never drew back easily [The Portuguese historians are
discreetly silent about this event but Ferishta mentions it-Ind. Ant., II,
280; Nairne, 47. The Portuguese plundered several ships belonging to Akbar,
returning from Judda in the Red sea. They also landed and burned the towns of
Adilabad and Carapatam and went to Dabhol for the same purpose-Briggs,
Ferishta, IV, 540, Akbar however did not put a stop to the Portuguese inroads
on account of the celebrated beauty, Lady Donna Juliana Diez, in the Imperial
Seraglio- Jervis, 84.].
Fresh treaties were drawn in 1575 and 1576 [A J. L. Sequejra, The relations of
the Portuguese with the Sultans, of Bijapur (Bom. Uni.) 1932. 63.] but Dom
Diogo de Menezes, assuming office at Goa in 1576 titled out several squadrons
which he despatched in different directions. Four captains who were on the
northern coast put into the port of Dabhol. The Sultan of Bijapur being at
peace with the Portuguese they were well received by the Thanedar Malik Tocam.
He offered to supply them with anything they required and invited the
captains, Dom Jeronymo Mascarenhas, Dom Diogo, Dom Antonio da Sylveira and
Francisco Pessoa and their officers to dine with him. With the exception of
Mascarenhas who remained in the vessel in the harbour and suspected some
treachery, the rest accepted the invitation. The dinner being over the guests
were enjoying themselves when they were suddenly attacked by some hired
assassins and brutally murdered. Only a few succeeded in reaching the shore
and escaped to the vessels. The murderers then attacked Mascarenhas' ship but
were repulsed. Dom Jeronymo immediately afterwards left for Goa to convey the
news of the disaster.
As soon as the Governor was informed, he despatched Dom Pedro de Menezes with
a small fleet to avenge this wrong. He ordered him to lay in wait for the
Mecca ship and destroy whatever he could on the coast. Menezes fell in with
two large ships and he destroyed them. Dom Louise de Athaide, at that time,
arrived at Goa and took up the Government. He at once took in hand the affairs
of Dabhol. He sent supplies and reinforcements to Dom Pedro de Menezes to
enable him to act more vigorously against Malik Tocam. He himself conducted
the war against the Sultan of Bijapur along the river Goa. The latter
enterprise was so successful that the Sultan sued for peace. He promised as a
condition to banish the traitor Malik Tocam not only from Dabhol, but from all
his dominions for ever. The peace being concluded, the Portuguese forces
retired to their territories.
The treaty had been concluded with the Sultan but the Malik Tocam was still at
Dabhol. He publicly exercised his office as Thanedar and built a great ship
for the Mecca trade. All these facts came to the knowledge of the Viceroy who
despatched Dom Paulo de Lima Pareira to Dabhol with a fleet of ten sail to
enforce the treaty. The Portuguese on arriving there, found the whole shore
fortified with a large number of cannon, 6000 horse and an equally strong
force of infantry. Dom Paulo was not able to disperse this great force with
his small fleet. Nevertheless he proceeded up the river and destroyed a number
of towns. Just at this juncture the Malik was reinforced by two Malabarese
pirates Cartale and Mandairray who were in the neighbourhood with five
galliots and whose aid was solicited. Malik joined them with five more sail
manned by 5000 resolute Turks and Persians. A fierce fight ensued. The
Portuguese boarded the vessels and engaged in a hand to hand encounter. Only
one of Malik's ship escaped and all the rest being either captured or
destroyed. Dom Paulo then returned to Goa with nine more vessels than he had
when he left the place [A. J. L. Sequeira, The relations of the Portuguese and
the Sultans of Bijapur (Bom. Uni.) 1932, 526-529. Danvers, O. C. II, 24-25.].
According to the treaty of 1577 Malik Tocam was banished from the kingdom of
Bijapur, but he was still carrying on his office at Dabhol. The Sultan did not
care to interfere in the matter and the Portuguese sent an expedition against
the Malik. Malik Tocam was defeated and killed in 1579. This incident did not
in the least create enmity between the Portuguese and the Sultan of Bijapur
[A. J. L. Sequeira, O. C. 531.].
The treaty was concluded between the Portuguese and the Sultan of Bijapur " on
the twenty-ninth of January of 1582, in the mansion of the Toao de Faria,
secretary of the State, by order of the most illustrious Senhor Dom Francisco
Mascarenhas, count of Villa d'orta, viceroy of India; being present Abdul
Malique (Abdul Malik) and Coje Fartadim (Khwaja Fath-ud-din), ambassador of
Idalaxa (Bijapur) and Manoel Moraes, whom the said H.E. the Count sends at
present to Dabul (Dabhol), and Balthazar Pacheco, interpreter for the State,
and Goje Abrao' (Khwaja Abraham), Jew, and the witnesses undersigned; the said
ambassadors said that they were ready in the name of Idalaxa, their Lord, by
the powers granted to them, to fulfil, and satisfy the treaty of peace as
contained in it, which the count Dom Louis de Ataide, the viceroy of India,
had settled with Mustafacao (Mustafa Khan) and Zaerbeque (Zahir Baker),
through Manuel de Souza the captain. And the said contract was ready by me,
secretary, and declared the terms contained therein to be fulfilled, namely to
demolish the fortifications of Dabhol, to give charge of all the artillery
that may be found in it and in all their dominions, and likewise some ships
which still remain to be delivered and to pay all the debts to the Portuguese
and the duties for the horses that shall be considered to be due to the
treasury of H.M.; and to cause the ships of the merchants to come from their
ports to this city. And after being read and declared to them in the said
language, they said that as regards the demolition of the fortification of
Dabhol, they were obliged to destroy it in the short time possible, utilising
in this all their efforts by bringing the menials from the said Dabhol, all
that they could find therein and get together for the said purpose; and
likewise to give up all the artillery, big and small that may be found in the
said port of Dabhol and their kingdom, that should belong to H. M. our lord,
and to the Portuguese subjects of H.M.; and possessing some of their
beak-heads (of ships) which will be converted into cargo ships and acquiring
some ships of the merchants, they will make them come to this city, without
committing any outrage to them; and in order that all this may be fulfilled,
Havildar of H.M. will be sent, with their letters in company of Manoel de
Moraes, who had been chosen by the said H. M. the count to this effect, and to
remain present during the demolition of the said fortification and while
giving charge of the artillery and ships and the other things declared above;
and as for the debts that they owed to the Portuguese and the duties of horses
to the treasury of H.M. which they were ready and prepared to contribute with
all that has been accounted for and to this effect and other conditions
declared above, that they will promise to fulfil and oblige their own persons
and belongings (fazenda) and wives and sons, that they had in this city; and
that they will not leave it without all effectively being fulfilled, and
satisfying them with everything; the said H.E. the count promised to fulfil
the said contract of peace in the name of H.M. which was concluded and settled
by the count of Atouguia, of which this is a settlement, in which H.E. signed
with the ambassadors and persons mentioned above. Other witnesses that were
present, Bartha-lomeau Velho, Manoel Coelho, clerks (who were) in presence of
me, secretary; and I Joao de Faria ordered it to be written and subscribed
-the count Don Francisco Mascarenhas Joan de Faria-Baltezar Pacheco-Barthalomeau
Velho-Manoel Coelho-Coje Fartadym- Abdul Malique-Coje Abrao [A. J. L. Sequeira,
O. C. 533-536-Of. Pazes-e-Tratados, No. 1. Anno de 1571, Fol. 12. Nothing is
found of this treaty in Faria de Souza. The whole document refers to Dabhol
and to its dismantling by the Bijapur authorities. The Portuguese original was
also published in the Archivo Portuguese Oriental, V, pp. 985-987, copied from
the Livro Grande des Pazes, Fol. 12; with which this copy has been compared
and checked by A. J. L. Sequeira. One full line of abovementioned copy has
been omitted in the one published in the Archivo, p. 986.].
There was fighting in the other parts of the district as well, since the
Portuguese had backed a pretender to the throne of Bijapur in 1555 A.P. and
had taken part in the civil war.
The Governor " went to Ponda to assist at the installation of Meale Khan as
king and he appointed officers for the collection of the revenues about Ponda
........... Xacolim Aga, who was collecting the same on behalf of the Adilkhan
opposed Noronha with a force of 7,000 men. The Governor having sent a supply
of ammunition to Noronha, he marched to Cuzale, of which he easily took
possession...................Not far from Achara, the Portuguese were attacked
by a force of 1,000 men. After a sharp fight the enemy were completely routed
with a heavy loss. Further up the river the Portuguese encountered another
force of the enemy, commanded by Xacolim himself. Here, again, the enemy were
routed with a loss of 1,000 killed, the Portuguese losses being only twenty-four[Danvers,
O. C. I, 505. ].
"In 1584 the viceroy despatched Dom Giles Yanez Mascarenhas to Cochin with
orders on his way to destroy the fort built by the Naik of Sangameshvar on the
river of that name. The object of the fort was to give protection to the
pirates who infested these parts and did great damage to the Portuguese
shipping. Dom Giles started with a fleet of fourteen sail and had a force of
three hundred men from Goa. He thus sailed up the river. But on his way he got
from his galleon into a small vessel and ran so far into the rocks that he
could not get out again. The enemy who covered the shore immediately attacked
him and he was killed. The rest of the force was not able to send him any help
and the expedition retired.
"Duarte de Menzes was now appointed to succeed Dom Francisco Mascarenhas as
viceroy. He arrived at Goa in 1584 and took charge of the Government. Soon
after his arrival he took in hand the affair of the Naik of Sangameshvar [A,
J. L. Sequeira, O. C, 537.]. Thus in 1584, the Naik of Sangame-shvar was
attacked by the Portuguese and the Sultan of Bijapur.
"The viceroy received an ambassador from the Adilkhan, with whom he entered
into negotiations with the view of sending a joint expedition against the Naik
of Sangameshvar, to punish him for causing the death of Dom Giles Yanez, and
to put down the piracy that existed on that coast. It was agreed that, Rosti
Khan, Governor of Ponda, should assist with 40,000 men by land whilst Dom
Hierome de Mascarenhas should attack the Naik by sea. These arrangements were
accordingly carried out; Dom Hierome, entering the river with his ships, sent
up a.party of men in thirteen rowing boats, who at break of day came upon some
works thrown up for defence. A force was landed which attacked the enemy and
having killed many of them the rest fled, and the Portuguese then captured
their defences, and took all the cannon out of them. They then marched upon
the town, whereupon the inhabitants fled without making any attempt at
defence. In their flight they fell into the hands of Rosti Khan, who was
advancing upon the town from the opposite direction. The two forces then laid
waste the whole country, whereupon the Naik, who had fled to the woods for
safety, sent an ambassador to implore mercy, promising to submit to any
conditions provided he was restored to his powers and his territories spared.
Arrangements to this effect were accordingly concluded and the invading armies
then retired [Danvers, Ibid, II, 57. Briggs, Ferishta III, 524. A. J. L.
Sequeira, Ibid, 64, 539. ]."
The small chief-ship of Sangameshvar [Sangameshvar is mentioned by the
earliest Portuguese historians but not as a place of much mark and chiefly in
connection with the pirates frequenting the river. South of Bombay, De Baros
only mentions in his discriptioning the river. South of Bombay, De Baros only
mentions in his description Carapaton. Of these Chaul and Dabhol are called
cities and ranked with Surat and Goa. Ind. Ant, III, (April 1874), 102.]
referred to above had continued in the district from the fourteenth century.
The Raja of Sangameshvar, Jakkurai had brought disaster to the Bahamani armies
in 1453 A.D. He had submitted to the Bahamani general Mahmud Gavan only in
1471 A.D. On the establishment of the Bijapur kingdom, he continued to be
loyal to the Sultans of Bijapur. The Raja Baloji, described as the Lord of
Pervaloy (Prabhavali) and of the kingdom of Sangameshvar assisted the Sultan
of Bijapur in his efforts to recapture Goa in 1510 A.D. The importance of this
state was considerably reduced in the 16th century towards the end of which
the chiefs are described as the Naiks of Sangameshvar. But a new family arose
to power in the middle of the 16th century.
In the southern part of the district the area round Savantvadi was under the
chief of Kudal. In the middle of the 16th century (1554), one Mang Savant,
revolting from Bijapur tried to establish himself as an independent chief.
Making Hodavada his chief, city a small village six miles from Vadi, defeated
the Bijapur troops sent against him and till his death maintained his
independence. So great a name did he gain for courage and skill, that on his
death he was deified and his shrine (math) is still to be seen at Hodavada.
Mang's successors, unable to maintain their independence again became
feudatories of the Bijapur kings.
The Savants again made themselves independent on the decline of Bijapur.
In spite of the wars arising out of the Bijapur Portuguese conflicts in the
district had on the whole a stable administration in the 16th and the first
half of the seventeenth century. Yusuf Adil Shah the founder of the Bijapur
dynasty took steps to improve the district and bring its wastelands under
tillage [Though it is not difficult to understand why it was that Dabhol
declined in the latter days of the Musalmans, and still more subsequently, so
long as the Musalman capital was at Bidar or Gulburga, Dabhol was the nearest
port, and there was no need to look for another. But when independent kingdoms
were established at Bijapur and Golkonda, it would be natural to look for
ports further south than Dabhol; and Rajapur and especially the splendid
harbour and creek of Gheria, would soon obtain the preference. And in Maratha
days, Dabhol was entirely eclipsed by the neighbouring town and fortress of
Anjanvel and thus, between near and distant rivals, fell into utter obscurity
as also did Chaul. The Hindu inhabitants are said to have grants of some of
the best sites in the town of Dabhol described as waste lands. Thornton's
Gazetteer of India does not even contain the name of Dabhol. On the other
hand, in a map of India published with Orme's Historical Fragments in 1782,
Dabhol is marked conspicuously, while several lines are given to it in a small
Gazetteer of the Eastern Hemisphere, published at Boston, U. S. in 1808-Ind.
Ant. II, (Oct. 1873), 281. Again, it is easy to see that it was no part of the
Portuguese plan to invade the inland parts of the country; in fact, the mere
occupation of the ports would have caused too great a drain on the population
of Portuguese if Albuquerque had not provided his soldiers with wives from the
women of Goa.-Nairne, 47; Rev. Sabino D'Souza, " The Struggle between the
Portuguese and the Marathas on the Goa border (1953)" (Bom. Uni.), 33.]. A new
class of officers, the khots, was introduced in the central parts of the
district. They were in the nature of farmers of revenue, and on condition of
extending cultivation and populating the villages, were given certain
considerations which allowed them a close connection with the hereditary
revenue officers and a hold on the village affairs.
The taxes were not heavy and with considerable coastal trade and a strong
administration the district achieved a fair measure of prosperity under the
Sultans of Bijapur. The slow decline of the Portuguese during this period
(1600-1650) had the result of ensuring peace from coastal strifes between
Bijapur and the Portuguese and ensuring a stable administration [The Shenvis
fled from Goa to escape conversion by the Portuguese and settled in Malvan and
Vengurle, Bom. Gaz. X, 116.
Thus many of these grants confirmed in the Vatans,
the Hindu proprietors desais, deshpandes and kulkarnis; (Nairne, 34). The
first introduction of the Khots as Jervis learnt from inscriptions and many
knowls or grants for the occupation of new land, was in the year 1502 when
Mustafa Khan was deputed by Ali Adil Shah, first king of Bijapur to administer
the affairs of the subhedari of Dabhol, extending from the Savitri river to
the Gurnyee river. In many of the knowls, the Desaees, Koolkurnees and
Deshpandes, about that period, are confirmed in their vatans, from which it is
to be supposed that these officers had been some time in existence, although
they were merely looked upon as agents or poligars, who had usurped certain
privileges which, for the better realization of the revenue, and in view of
the conciliation of this troublesome but useful class of revenue agents, the
Bijapur government thought it necessary to enter into such recognizances-Jervis,
(1835), 75.].
With the rise of Shivaji (1630-1680) the hold of the Sultans on the district
was lost by 1675 and the district passed finally into the hands of the
Marathas.
Meanwhile, the Portuguese authorities were aware of the imperialistic designs
of Akbar and the king of Portugal, Philip II of Spain himself was the first in
urging the viceroy Dom Francisco de Gama, to be ready for the Moghal attack [Moncoes
do Reino, No. 4, Ano de 1595 to 1598. Fol. 629. Letter dated 25th February
1596 (Archivo da Secretaria Geral do Governo). Rev. H. Heras. " The Portuguese
alliance with the Muhammedan kingdoms of the Deccan", BBRAS. Vol. I, (New
series), 1925, 122.]. The best preparation against the Moghal army seemed a
defensive alliance with the Malik, the Chief of Dabhol and the neighbouring
kingdoms. Akbar could never reach the Portuguese settlement but by passing
through these kingdoms, since he would not venture to fight the Portuguese on
the sea [Letter dated 5th February 1597, Ibid, Fol. 783. In reply from
the viceroy to the king, there is an account of the steps taken by the king of
Bijapur to foster this alliance. Ibid. Fol. 785. Although these
documents inform us only of the negotiations between the Portuguese and the
king of Bijapur and the Malik, nevertheless there is no doubt that all the
other kingdoms of the Deccan joined this alliance and it seems probable that
this invitation was made through the above mentioned chief of Dabhol.].
During the time of the rebellion of Prince Salim against his father the
alliance was forgotten, being then unnecessary as the interior disturbances of
Akbar's kingdom became a cause of rejoicing for his enemies [Letter of Philip
III of Spain to the same viceroy, dated Lisbon, 21st November 1598. Ibid,
No. 2 Ano de 1583 to 1601 Folio 421; Letter dated Libson 25th January 1601,
No. 8 Ano de 1601 to 1602, Fol. 18; Letter, dated 23rd March 1604, Valladolid
in Spain to Viceroy Ayres de Saldhana No. 9, Ano de 1604 Fol. 22. ].
At last the Portuguese saw all those kingdoms overcome by the Moghal Emperors,
being themselves safe in the midst of that storm, on account of the new
Maratha kingdom that arose from their ruins.
THE DUTCH (1595).
With the seventeenth century, the European rivals of the Dutch, the Portuguese
(1595) [A. J. L. Sequira Ibid 89.] began to trouble them as well as the
Malabar and Arab pirates. In 1615 the chief points in the treaty made between
the Emperor Jehangir and the Portuguese expressed their mutual enmity to the
English and Dutch. The entry of other Europeans into Indian seas was looked on
as so much of a calamity that Dela Valle calls it one of the signs of the
decay of the Portuguese that English and Dutch ships frequent the ports of
Dabhol, (Chaul and Bassein) without hindrance and without acknowledging the
Portuguese supremacy, though the latter still prevented native vessels from
sailing in these seas without their permission. So late as 1624 no one could
go to Europe by way of Persia and Turkey without obtaining leave from the
authorities of Goa.
The Dutch found it easier to conquer the Portuguese than to make new
settlements for themselves and they were everywhere assisted by the hatred
which the natives had now for the Portuguese. The Dutch blockaded Goa in 1603
and [Ibid, 40.] from 1639 to 1642 in the last mentioned year took some
ships trying to enter the port. A cessation of arms for ten years had been
concluded in Europe between the Portuguese and Dutch in 1641, and this
extended to Asia in the following year, but in 1649, the war was again going
on. The Dutch had built a fortified factory at Vengurle previous to 1641. But
it does not appear that they ever cared much about establishing themselves in
the Konkan, as at that time they refused an invitation from the king of
Bijapur to winter their ships in Dabhol, Ortzery (Achra?) or other of his
harbours [Nairne, 63.]. They were however for many years the strongest of the
European powers in the East [Hatalkar, Relations between the French and the
Marathas, 4.].
In 1638, under the name Fingurla, Vengurle is mentioned as a very convenient
haven, where the Dutch had a trade settlement and victualled their ships
during their eight month blockade of Goa [In 1614, the Portuguese viceroy, Don
Zeronymo de Azvedo despatched Antonio Monteiro Corte Real as ambassador to the
Sultan of Bijapur, insisting on the Dutch being expelled from Bijapur
territory, as the Dutch were attempting to gain the Sultan's favour and were
attempting the establishment of a factory at Bijapur, also.-A. J. L. Sequeira,
O. C. 541. But the Dutch succeeded in getting a footing on 15th November 1638,
the Dutch again appeared before Goa and asked the Sultan to co-operate in
expelling the Portuguese out of India. In 1639, the Portuguese viceroy again
appealed to the Sultan against the Dutch. This met with no success and the
Dutch not only remained in the peaceful possession of their factory at
Vengurle, but they were at the same time negotiating for a factory at Karwar,
where the English were also endeavouring to obtain a footing The Portuguese
trade by this time was completely destroyed-A. J. L Sequeira, O. C. 546-547.
Baldaeus (1660) says the Hollaudus have a stately factory at Vengurli a place
very considerable, not only for its plenty of wheat, rice and all sorts of
provisions but also for its situation near Goa-Bom. Gaz. X, 377 Of Churchill
III, 602 (Collected Voyages). ].
In 1660, the Dutch fleet was again blockading the harbour of Goa, but could
not get close enough to take it [At that time the following description is
given of an event at Vengurle in which the Dutch took part. " The Bantam
Yachts were waiting to transport the queen of Golconda from Vengurle to Mokha
on her way to the tomb of Muhammad. Her guards who had conducted her eighty
leagues were 4,000 cavalry with long coats of mail, the shoulders whereof were
embroidered with serpents' heads like the ancient Romans, they had bright
polished helmets, were armed with bows and arrows, wore long beards, and were
mounted on very fine Persian horses. On each side of every man of quality who
attended her was a footman holding the briddle: the queen and all her ladies
were carried in close litters concealed from public view, and they were
preceded by several camels covered with rich furniture, on one whereof was
mounted a kettle drummer, who performed with great dexterity. The commodore
and the Director of the Dutch East India Company met her two leagues from the
town, in which while she sayed, she dictated to her secretaries in several
different languages. There was a magnificent tent erected for her on the sea
shore, the passage from whence to the shallop which was to carry her on board
the Yacht was covered with Calico". Verigurle is described as a large village
on the sea-shore where most ships for Persia were obliged to touch for wood
and water. Nairne, 63, Footnote; Rajapur also is one of the oldest towns in
the district and was formerly a place of great trade, which is proved by the
English, French and Dutch all having had factories in very early days-Ind.
Ant. II, 319.].
In 1660, under the name Mingrela, it is mentioned as a large town stretching
half a league along the coast, with one of the best roads in India, where all
the vessels that came from Batavia, Japan, Bengal and Ceylon, and those bound
for Surat, Ormuz, Balfora and the red sea, both coming and going, anchored,
because both the water and rice were excellent. It was famous also for its
best of spices cardamoms, which not being had in other countries, were very
scarce and dear; also for its great store of coarse calicuts spent in the
country, and great quantities of coarse matting that served for packing goods
[Bom. Gaz. X, 377 c/f Tavernier, in Harris, II, 360.].
In 1661 when Bombay was ceded to England the object was said to be that king
Charles might be "better able to assist and protect the subjects of the king
of Portugal in those parts from the power and invasion of the States of the
united provinces ". But it does not appear that anything was ever done to
carry this into effect, probably because when the English troops came to take
possession, a dispute arose as to whether Salsette was or was not included in
the cession [Nairne, 63. ].
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