HISTORY

ADMINISTRATION

Introduction.

Throughout the mediaeval period Wardha was not subject to a single administrative system as it was under different rulers alien and native. After the fall of the Yadavas of Devagiri, Wardha-Nagpur territory was under the Khiljis and the Tughluqs. They were succeeded by the Bahamanis. Following the break up of the Bahamani Kingdom it was ruled by the Imadshahi dynasty with its capital at Ellichpur. Imad Shahi Kingdom was annexed by the powerful Nizam Shahi Sultanate of Ahmadnagar. When Akbar conquered the Nizam Shahi Kingdom Wardha and Nagpur became parts of the expanding Moghal empire. On the decline of the Moghal power the Marathas established their rule throughout Berar and Nagpur. Their rule lasted till their defeat by the British. Between the fall of the Yadavas and the rise of the Moghals the Gonds got an opportunity to extend their sway as far as the river Wardha from their original small Kingdom protected by hills and forests. Wardha for this reason had a Gondi interlude of a short duration.

Throughout this long period from the fall of the Yadavas in 1318 to the fall of the Marathas in 1803, Wardha was administered by.-

(1) Khiljis and Tughluqs.

(2) Bahamanis.

(3) Imad Shahi.

(4) Nizam Shahi of Ahmadnagar.

(5) Gondi Interlude.

(6) Moghals.

(7) Marathas.

We do not have much information regarding the administrative system of either the Khilji-Tughluq period or that of Imad Shahi. During the Bahamani supremacy it was Mahmud Gawan who first introduced his reforms in Berar alongwith the other parts of the Bahamani Kingdom.

Malik Ambar's revenue reforms in the Berar would always attract the attention of administrators for their soundness and basic approach to the problem of land revenue.

The Gondi interlude over Berar brings out their peculiarities.

Under the Imperial Moghals the administrative system in Berar had some elements common throughout the Empire. At the same time it had its own peculiarities which were the products of geography and history.

Under The Bahmanis.

The Marathas after the conquest of Berar introduced their own system retaining the old elements useful to them. It was from the Wardha-Nagpur region that they governed neighbouring Chandrapur and the distant Orissa.

A brief account of the administrative systems of this period 1318-1803, together with the Maratha administration over Chandrapur and Orissa Would be relevant to the discussion of Wardha which formed part of Nagpur.

The Bahamani rule over the Berar lasted from 1347 to 1490. In 1481 when Mahmud Gavan was assassinated, the Bahamani Kingdom had been showing signs of disintegration, and in 1527 the power of the Bahamanis was completely wiped out from the map of the Deccan and Berar. It was during this period that the tarfdar or subhedar of Berar, Fatehulla Imad-ul-mulk, sought the opportunity of establishing an independent Kingdom for himself. He founded an independent Kingdom at Ellichpur in 1490 styling himself as Imad Shah.

According to Mr. Sherwani, an authority on the history of the Bahamanis, at one time the Kingdom of the Bahamanis spread from the Bay of Bengal to the Arabian Sea, east-west, and from Khandesh to the banks of the river Tungabhadra north-south. This naturally included the whole of the Deccan, Konkan, Goa and part of Telangana. Berar was at the heart of this territory. For administrative purpose the territory was at first divided into four tarfs, (1) Berar, (2) Daulatabad, (3) Gulburga and (4) Telangana.

Later, when the Kingdom had expanded to its farthest limits, Mahmud Gavan, the vazir, split it into eight units for administrative convenience. Berar was divided into two tarfs Gawil and Mahur. Gawil was in charge of Fatehulla Imad-ul-mulk and Mahur under Khudavand Habshi. Daulatabad was split up into Daulatabad and Junnar. Daulatabad was placed under Yusuf Adil Khan, and Junnar under Fakhr-ul-mulk. Junnar then included Indapur, Wai, Man, Daman, Bassein, Goa and Belgaon.

Gulburga was divided into Gulburga and Bijapur. Bijapur comprised the Bhima region together with Raichur and Mudgal. Mahmud Gavan kept this unit under his own control. Gulburga included Sagar, Naldurg and Sholapur, being in charge of an Abyssinian eunuch Dastur Dinar.

Telangana was cut into Rajamahendri and Warangal. Several places in each of these units were reserved for the privy purse of the Sultan. The tarfdars were appointed from the centre. In the new arrangement Mahmud Gavan aimed at reduction of the power of the tarfdars by halting the tarfs and keeping only one fort under a tarfdar. The rest of the forts were given to the charge of commanders directly appointed by the centre. Gavan raised the cash to be paid to the mansabdars so that they should not be tempted to receive bribes.

Mahmud Gavan tried his best to establish direct contact between the Government and the peasantry by eliminating the middlemen, though in this regard he does not seem to have attained full success. He must have found it difficult to check the hereditary watandars whose power and economic interest centred in land throughout the medieval period.

He ordered a systematic survey of the land cultivated and fallow Kird and nakird and fixed the boundaries of the villages and towns. Though details of his land revenue reforms are not available, they are said to have been followed to a great extent, later, by Todarmal. Actually, land survey, its qualitative classification, fixing of boundaries, drawing averages of the land yield for fixation of revenue were practised by the Hindu Kings since the time of Kautilya or before. Alien rulers like the Muslims had to redo all this as boundaries changed, lands fell out of cultivation and towns and villages came to be deserted in the oft repeated struggle for power.

Under the Nizam Shahi Kingdom

No details of the administrative system of the Imad Shahi Kingdom which ruled over Berar from 1490 to 1572 are available. The Imad Shahi rulers probably followed the system of their predecessors. In 1572 the Imad Shahi Kingdom was annexed by that of the Nizam Shahi. Though Nizam Shahi was conquered by Akbar in 1596, it continued to resist the Imperial Moghals till the death of its able commander Malik Ambar, in 1626. By his diplomacy and guerilla war tactics he reestablished the Nizam Shahi rule over the Deccan and the Berar. True to the saying that a hero is a hero on all fronts, he stole time in the midst of political strife, to introduce administrative and revenue reforms in the Deccan and the Berar.

It would not be out of place here to discuss at some length the administrative system indigenous to the Deccan and the Berar existing much prior to the advent of the Muslims.

During the medieval Hindu period preceding the Islamic power, daily life of the people was controlled by (1) the political power i.e. the Rajasatta, (2) hereditary officers or vatandars i.e., the Deshakasatta, (3) the caste system i.e., the Jatisatta and (4) the commercial system i.e., Vyaparasatta.

The political power by its very nature was supreme, yet could not interfere at will with the working of the rest. Within limits it had the power and therefore the authority to make changes it thought necessary. For this reason its characteristic has rightly been described in Sanskrit, 'raja kalasya karanam,' meaning King is the cause of time-all change-though time is the cause of all change.

Next to the political power, Rajasatta, was the power of the local officers like the Deshmukhs, Deshpandes, Patils and the Kulkarnis. Since pre-Muslim times they were responsible for the administration of the locality. In a way therefore, they could be designated as local authority. In medieval times when land was the back-bone of the economic system, these hereditary officers or vatandars who were well-rooted in the land, had great control over the locality. [ JAMRA pp. 163-64. The author discusses the origin and meaning of the word Deshakasatta (local authority). The word is traceable in historical papers dating back to A. D. 1478.]

The principal duty of the Deshmukhs, Patils etc., was to bring the land under cultivation by offering all facilities to the peasants such as protection to their property and life, seeds, loans and remissions in times of famines. They had also to rehabilitate the country that was devastated by war. [ Ibid. p. 167.] They defended the country within their jurisdiction from external invasions. They knew the land and the people within their paragana. Like the lesser barons of Europe during the age of feudalism, the Deshmukhs, Deshpandes, Patils, Kulkanris, Pandes etc., forming part of the local authority-the Deshakasatta-were responsible for the smooth administration of the daily life of the people of the locality. The basis of this administration was land. All these officers were hereditary, having love for land i.e., vatan. No Government could think of administering the country without their cooperation. Land revenue was the mainstay of the Government of the day. To keep the flow of this income undisturbed peace and order in the countryside were essential. This could be secured only if the local authorities, the Deshmukhs, Deshpandes etc., were taken into confidence. For the alien Muslim rulers it was all the more necessary to have the co-operation of the local authorities. As a result, from early medieval times to practically the end of the British rule these hereditary Vatandars or local authorities remained intact enjoying the confidence of both the people and the Government. Like the brook that flowed perpetually the vatandars, therefore, could sing,

Kings may come and Kings may go,

But we go on forever.

Knowing well the fleeting nature of the political power the people relied upon the Deshmukhs and the Deshpandes more, than on the Kings. They were respected by the people more than the officers of the central Government like the subhedar, the havaldar, the mujumdar or even the Peshva. The King envied the respect they commanded and the authority they wielded. Chhatrapati Shivaji, in the early part of his political career applied to the Delhi Emperor for Deshmukhship. Later, he styled himself as the Sar-Deshmukh i.e., the Deshmukh of Deshmukhs. [ JAMRA. pp. 165, 189.] All the Chhatrapatis had their own Deshmukhi vatans. In all the historical documents of the Deshmukhs the emblem of their seal is a plough representing the constructive role they 'played in the agricultural economy of the day. The seals of the warlike classes on the other hand contain a dagger-katara. [ JAMRA p. 189.]

Next to the Deshakasatta was the authority of the caste. Marriage, profession or function, religious rites, petty disputes etc., were governed by the caste-rules.

Last but not least, trade and commerce were carried on by shetes, Mahajans, Vanjaris etc.

It is the Deshakasatta described at some length here that should merit our attention forming as it does the necessary background for the, study of the reforms introduced either by Malik Ambar, or the Moghals, or the Marathas or the British in time sequence.

Malik Ambar's Reforms.

Malik Ambar divided the Kingdom into suitable administrative units. The biggest was called a sarkar sometimes referred to as mamale or sammat. Next came the paragana and the mahal. A number of villages formed a mahal. The term tape which seems to be the corrupt form of tarf was originally bigger than a sarkar but in course of time came to be identified with a paragana. The sub-division of a paragana was termed a taluka or karyat.

The officers in charge of these administrative divisions were, Havaldar that of a Sarkar and Mahaldar that of a mahal. The Havaldar had under him a Karkun responsible for revenue administration and a Thanedar having a body of troops for the maintenance of peace and order. Each of these heads had under them Mazumdars for maintaining accounts, and a host of clerks who were known as Huddars. These officers had their own agents called Mutaliks. When on mission the Mutaliks were designated as Vakils or Hejibs.

All these officers were appointed from the centre and came under the non-vatandari category.

The hereditary officers or the vatandars were responsible for the day to day administration of the paragana and the dehe or mauja i.e., a village. Their relationship with the officers appointed by the centre was mainly in respect of revenue collection and law and order In other respects they were left to themselves by the centre as its principal interest was revenue collection.

The principal vatani officers in Berar were Deshmukhs, peshpandes, Patil or Mokaddam, Kulkarni, Chaugule, Mahar, Shetes, Mahajans, Chaudharis and Bidvais.

The Deshmukh was in charge of a paragana responsible for the collection of land revenue and maintenance of peace and order. He was to help agriculture by offering facilities to the cultivators. All important documents required his seal having the emblem of a plough. He settled petty disputes.

He had vatani lands for his services. Besides he received some percentage from the revenue collected for the Government. He also enjoyed a small share from octroi duty, ferry charges, fruits etc., from the paragana. He was the first citizen of the paragana.

The Deshpande of the paragana was next to the Deshmukh, and kept the entire account of the paragana revenue. He maintained a register of the land of the paragana showing the owners of the land and the revenue to be paid by them. The Deshpandes were mostly Brahmins. Some of them were Prabhus (Kayasthas). Sometimes a Deshpande was also called as Deshkulkarni. It is possible that this term preceded the Deshpande so commonly found in the Berar.

The important permanent officers in the village were the Patil or the Mokaddam and the Kulkarni. The Patil's duties were similar to those of the Deshmukh in the paragana i.e., collecting land revenue of the village, maintaining law and order, settling petty disputes etc. He enjoyed inam lands for this and small rights in the village. He was helped by the Kulkarni in account keeping.

The duty of the Chaugule in the village was to deposit the Government money safely in the treasury at the headquarters. His seal contained a plough and a dagger. The first represented his relation with land and the latter with that of the State whose main duty was protection.

At the lowest ladder in the village was the Mahar an untouchable by caste. He was the village watchman knowing well its boundaries. He had rent-free land and enjoyed certain perquisites. The use of dead animals was his special privilege. He served as the aide-de-camp of the Patil.

The other services of the village were rendered by washermen, barbers, guravs, carpenters, cobblers, potters, blacksmiths, mahars, joshis, mangs etc. They were collectively called the Balutedars receiving from the village land a certain share of the produce at the harvest time. Services not so important as these or non-essential were known as Alutes, and included the Ramoshis, Bhatas, Kolis, Goldsmiths etc.

The Balutedars received their share at the harvest time without fail, whereas the Alutedars were paid only when their services were utilised.

In the towns and market places (Kasaba) were Shetes, Mahajans, Chaudharis and Bidvais. The Shetes, the Shreshthins of ancient times organised trade and commerce. They managed the markets of the towns. Sheteship was hereditary having- a number of rights and concessions. Shete was a respectable gentleman of a town. The Mahajan helped the Shete in keeping the account of the market. Other hereditary officers associated with the Shete were the Chaudhari and the Bidavai.

Thus, the life of the villages and towns in the medieval age though based on caste and heredity continued harmoniously for centuries till it was disturbed by the impact of industrialism ushered in by the British. Professions based on caste brought in division of labour, eliminating the brain racking competition of modern times which the demos finds it difficult to stand. Division of labour by caste and co-operation were the main principles on which entire life depended.

Malik Ambar abolished the Nasq or group assessment which existed in the Deccan. We have no means to ascertain how much of Berar was covered by this system before Malik Ambar. The new system which was introduced by Malik Ambar was based on tankha i.e., cash payment and raqba i.e., area. He got the land surveyed. It was classified according to its quality and yield. An estimate of the yield of each kind of land was prepared on which the share of Government was decided. Payment of the land revenue in cash was preferred to that in kind. For the payment in kind the rate was fixed at 2/5th of the total produce, where as for cash payment it was brought down to 1/3. The concession granted for cash payment shows the importance attached to money i.e,., the value of money. While determining the cash payment attention was paid to the yield and the local prices. The cash payment was made permanent.

A considerable part of the land was treated as private property as a result of which the tiller took great interest in the piece he cultivated. The village land was treated as joint property of the township. The fallow land of the village was treated as common pasture. The village land was owned either privately or jointly. In the case of the latter the tenant had his own share in the produce. This helped the farmers in settling down on the land.

The settlement of the land revenue was made with the Patil or Mokaddam.

Under the Moghals.

Berar which formed part of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom of Ahmadnagar was ceded to emperor Akbar by Chandbibi in 1596, unable to stand against the imperial forces.

After this initial victory Prince Murad settled in Berar with Balapur as his headquarters. Near Balapur he founded a new city named Shahpur and constructed a beautiful palace for himself. He was at sixes and sevens with Khan Khanan, the commander of the army. Akbar, therefore, recalled Khan Khanan realising that one bad general is better than two good ones. Murad due to excessive drinking fell seriously ill and died. Before Murad's death Akbar had sent his trusted friend Abul Fazl to help him. Later, when Prince Daniel was given the charge of Berar and the Deccan, Khan Khanan was restored to royal favour and was sent along with Daniel. [ Ferishta, Muhammad Kasim Hindu Shah, History of the Rise of the Mohammedan Power in India, Translation by John Briggs. Vol. II. pp. 273, 276, 277.]

The last attack on Ahmadnagar by the imperial forces began on 5th April 1600. Chandbibi was treacherously murdered. The fort held on for sometime but finally surrendered to the Moghal forces on 16th August 1600.

Akbar died in 1605. Malik Ambar till his death in 1626 recovered a substantial part of the Deccan from the Moghals but was unable to recover Berar which was ceded to the Moghals as early as 1596. His attacks on Berar, however, continued as suitable opportunities permitted him to do so.

Berar thus came under Moghal administration from 1596. Todarmal's famous system known as bandobast was made applicable to the Berar Subha.

In the Ain-i-Akbari, Berar is called Durdatala derived from its ancient name Waradatata. It seems that while writing the name Warda, in Persian,(waw) might have mistakenly been written for, (dal), or a similar mistake might have been committed by the translator by reading for the original.

The area of the Berar subha during Akbar's reign was 72,000 square miles. Its area to the south of the Satapuda was called Payaghat and the one near Mehakar and Vashim Balaghat. To its east was the fort of Vairagad, and further east Telangana. The six important forts of the subha were Gavilgad. Narnala, Pavanar, Ramgad, Manikdurg and Mahur. It was divided into thirteen sarkars having in all 242 mahals. The revenue as stated in the Ain-i-Akbari was 3.5 crore Takkas or 56 crore Dams.

The coins current were Takka, Dam and Rupee. One Takka was equal to 16 Dams, and one Berari Takka equalled eight Takkas of Delhi.

The sarkars and mahals[ Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari Trans. Vol. I, Blochman, Vols. II and III, by H. S. Jarrett.]: -

Land revenue formed the major part of the total income of the subha. Other sources of income were zakat, customs, salt tax, khums, mint, currency, jiziya, escheats, presents, octroi, tolls and tributes.

Todarmal's bandobast is known as zabat or dahasala. Different interpretations of this system have been offered but the one given by Dr. R. P. Tripathi appears to be correct. According to him in this system the produce and prices of the last ten years from Government records and other sources were collected, and one tenth of the total was taken as the revenue for one year. [ Tripathi R. P. Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, 1959, pp. 321-22.] According to Moreland it was the average of the demand for ten years.

No details of the working of Todarmal's bandobast in Berar are available, as during Akbar's reign it was on trial there.

Next to Akbar it was Aurangzeb who paid attention to the administration of Berar. As a prince he was sent to the Deccan in the capacity of a Governor. When he assumed Emperorship he had to look to the problem of Berar. In the last phase of his career he came down to the Deccan to conquer the wily Marathas. As a result Aurangzeb knew the Berar and Deccan more intimately than any of his predecessors.

Under the Moghals.

For revenue administration of the Berar subha, Aurangzeb had the services of an experienced officer like Murshid-Quli-Khan. In virtue of his long experience he was appointed as the Divan of Balaghat. In 1653 the title of Khan was bestowed upon him, and his mansab raised to 500 horse. [ Shamsuddin Shah Nawaz Khan, Masir-ul-Umra, III, p. 493.]

Murshid first surveyed the culturable land separating it from the fallow. Cultivable land was then measured. The main features of his system were.-

1. The State's share was fixed at 1/2 of the yield in the case of rain water crops.

2. For irrigated crops it was 1/3. In the case of high price crops like sugar, poppy etc., the State's share varied from l/4th to l/9th.

3. For canal irrigated crops the State's share was not uniform.

Besides this Murshid encouraged cash payment. In this system the proportion of Rupees to the Bighas or area was fixed by taking into account.-

(1) quality of the land and its yield;

(2) market price of the produce;

(3) area of the piece of land. This is known as jarib. This was introduced in the Berar and the Deccan.

To repopulate the deserted areas Murshid offered taqavi, for the purchase of seeds, bullocks, agricultural implements etc. He appointed amins and surveyors who were known for their integrity and efficiency. They were to survey the land and keep a record of the individual holdings. [ Habib I. The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1963, p. 254.]

The principle involved in his system was that the revenue should be directly proportional to the labour involved in raising the crop.

During Aurangzeb's reign the revenue rate varied from l/3rd to 1/2, the latter being the maximum.

From the account papers of the Deshpandes of Adgaon, Taluka Akot, District Akola we have the following classification of land:-

Kirda (cultivated) and nakirda (non-cultivated). Kirda was divided into jiraita (rain irrigated) and bagaita (irrigated by well water or canal water). Fruit land was called baragudara, and pasturage was gayarana or gayacharai or chavarana.

Yet another division of land was Khalsa (free, hold) and inama (granted), kali (cultivable) and pandhari (for habitation i.e., housing). The administrative divisions from the subha downward were sarkar, paragana and mauja.

From the papers known as Berija Dastura Lawajima a number of taxes other than land revenue current in the Berar Subha of Aurangzeb's period are available. It would be interesting to enumerate them.-

1. Rahdari: Collected on goods in transit by road.

2. Zakat: Islamic tax, to be realised from the Muslims alone.

3. Bisva Ubhamarg : Tax collected from persons coining to the market in a town-kasba.

4. Thaladana : On goods exported from villages.

5. Lakade Zakati : On fuel coming to the market.

6. Bhusi Bidal : Tax on the bran of thrashed grain.

7. Chungi Bazar : Collected from dealers when they weighed their goods in the market. This was substantial source of revenue.

8. Nihal: Tax on fruit bearing trees. Common fruit trees in Berar taxed were, mango, tamarind (chinch), jambhul, bhokar, moha and khajur.

9. Sing-singoti: Collected on the sale of animals.

10. Sarakiya Dar : Tax on cotton and its seed. Different varieties of cotton seed were lonari, jari and ut-katai.

11. Tobara : On feeding bag of a horse brought to the market. It was two takkas per horse.

12. Khavdi Rokha : On the sell of articles such as horse, house, land etc.

13. Tamboli or Parasodibari : Collected from persons growing betel leaves.

14. Nismati Bakala : Collected from vegetable dealers.

15. Patadama.Tax on remarriage.

16. Nagana Patti or takka : Tax on marriage.

17. Torana-takka: Tax on the torana with which the door or gate way was decorated on all auspicious occasions, mostly by the Hindus.

18. Rogana-ghana : Tax collected from Oil crushers, per crusher.

19. Telipetha : From the Oil crushers.

20. Pevakudava : From underground grain storage when opened.

21. Loni Lajima : Tax on butter and ghee.

22. Rangari : Tax on dyers.

23. Kalali : Tax on wine brewers.

24. Govari : Tax from persons looking after the cattle of the village.

25. Kasai : Tax on cow-butchers.

26. Khatika: Tax on butchers.

The income from these taxes did not necessarily go to the central treasury. A number of them were collected at the village level locally even when they were abolished by the central authority. They were known as abvabs. [ Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, 1963, pp. 80-90.]

The nomenclature of the permanent or hereditary i.e., the vatani-officers at the paragana and village, under the Moghals in Berar, was more or less the same as during the Nizam Shahi rule.

The administration of the subha was a replica of the Central Government. The important officers were the nazim, popularly known as the subhedar, the divan, the bakshi, the qazi, the sadar, the bayutat and the censor. They were all attached to the subhedar.

The administration was carried on from the capital of the province. The Moghal officers never liked village life. Contact with the people of the rural area was maintained through the faujdars in the sub-divisions, officials of the revenue department collecting the revenue from the local hereditary officers, visits of the zamindars to the subhedar's court and tours of the subhedar himself.

Duties of the Subhedar : The subhedar under the Moghals was the same as the tarfdar of the Bahamanis. His duties were:-

(1) To maintain order, help smooth collection of revenue and execute royal decrees received from time to time.

(2) To keep the people happy and see that the strong do not oppress the weak.

(3) To recommend worthy officials for promotion; to punish rebellious zamindars, to suppress lawlessness, to send every month two dispatches to the court by dak chauki.

(4) To encourage cultivation, without sucking everything out of them.

(5) To entertain shaikhs and qazis, to support darvishis, give alms to faqirs.

The Divan

He came next.to the subhedar and was appointed by the imperial Divan. He was to keep a watch over the subhedar, and the subhedar over him. He was to report to the High Divan twice every month the happenings in the subha with a statement of the cash held by him. He was to appoint kroris and tahsildars as collectors of revenue who would encourage cultivation. He was to recover arrears of taqavi from the peasants through the lower officials.

The Faujdar..

He was to maintain peace and execute all functions in general. He had to keep in check the Zamindars, guard roads, protect revenue payers, not to allow blacksmiths to manufacture matchlocks, etc. In short he was a military officer posted in the country to suppress rebellions and all sorts of crime. The Faujdar was expected to be brave and polite.

The Kotval.

He was an urban officer, in charge of the city police. He was practically in charge of the city for various functions, He was the most important official of the city.

News Reporters

The Central Government was kept informed of the happenings in the country through these, consisting of the waqai-navis, sawanih-nigar and khufia-navis. The information was collected and orally reported by the harakarah a spy.

The khufia-navis was a most trusted secret writer. All news was to be sent to the officer of court named Daroga of Dak Chauki. He was the head of the Intelligence Department and enjoyed great confidence in the reign of Aurangzeb.

The Muslim administration over the Berar as over the rest of India, from the days of the Khiljis to the fall of the Moghals, was military in its origin and character. The Muslims first came as conquerors and subsequently spread to the thanas i.e., the headquarters of the subha, sarkar, paragana and kasba as administrators. They acquired landed property mostly in their administrative capacity and became zamindars. But they rarely took to agriculture. The vast class of the watandars was Hindu. In Berar we rarely find a Muslim Deshmukh or Deshpande or a Patil. A few instances of Muslim Deshmukhs or Patils we have are of those who were converted to Islam either by force or some temptation.

But all such instances are exceptional. The Muslims who came to Vidarbha as conquerors were out of necessity absorbed in Government services both military and civil. Other professions by which they earned their livelihood were, trading and agency jobs. A number of them were employed in Government industries known as Karakhanas. As conquerors, gazis, they looked down upon the Hindus and despised them because they were non-believers Kafirs. As a result the rulers remained as aliens and were never reconciled with the ruled throughout the period of their supremacy over Berar, from 1318 A. D. to 1707.

Under the Gonds.

The territory called Devgad below the ghats included the present districts of Nagpur and Wardha during the Gondi period. Its westernmost boundary stretched up to the Wardha river. The administrative system in this region under the Gonds was semi-feudal. The Raj-Gonds ruled over this region till it was conquered by Bhosle Raghuji I. The entire country under the Raj-Gonds was divided among a number of subordinate local chiefs known as Rajas, Rais and Thakurs. They exercised considerable power within their jurisdiction recognising the authority of the Maharaja of Devgad in a general manner. [ WRMSH. p. 182.]

From Abul Faazl's ccount of the Gadha-Katanga Gondi Kingdom one gathers that a number of paraganas in the area were held by the Rajas. Obviously such papaganas in the days of Abul Fazl yet retained the traces of Gondi administration.

The system of administration by subordinate chiefs existed in the Gondavana till the Marathas overran it. Those areas of Gondawana which remained unaffected by either the Moghal or Maratha influence naturally retained their semi-feudal characteristics peculiar to the Gonds. The Government of Damoh, for instance, was entirely feudal, unaffected as it was by foreign influence for a long time. This country was divided into a number of chiefships each having the headman of the clan who enjoyed the entire revenue and rendered military service to the Government whenever called upon to do so. The chiefs in addition had to pay an annual tribute of a jar of butter or one or two bamboo walking sticks or the like. [ WRMSH. p. 185.]

Similarly, the Gondi administrative system in the Narsingpur district was almost exclusively feudal. The district was divided among the feudatory chiefs who were bound to attend upon the overlord at the capital with a stipulated number of troops but were not required to pay revenue in money.

In the Chhattisgad area there existed greater chiefs and smaller chiefs prior to its conquest by the Bhosles. [ WRMSH. p. 187.]

In Harrai in the Chhindavada district where Gondi administration continued for a long time the tribute (takoli) was settled in Chironji-nuts-and honey. [ WRMSH. p. 189.]

Some useful details of Gondi administration in the Devgad above the ghats are presented here, for, what was existing there was most probably obtaining in the Devgad below the ghats i.e., the Nagpur-Wardha region in the pre-Bhosle period.

The local chiefs called Thakurs took cognizance of petty crimes and offences in their area. They could levy fines and confiscate the property of the offenders. For good Government the Thakurs were to protect the travellers passing through their country and were responsible for any harm done to them within their jurisdiction. Further, they were not to punish any person with death or mutilation or imprisonment beyond a certain number of days without reference to the Government.

Petty offences such as abusing, beating, stealing were decided according to the customary rules. Adultery, rape, fornication, disputes about marriage, breach of observance of caste rules etc. were settled according to the laws of the caste.

Dispute between any two Thakurs was to be judged by the overlord. Thus, within his own area the position of the Thakur was very strong. He was the head of the local minor clan, captain of the local levies and the representative of the authority of the Raja of Harrai immediately above him, and finally of the Maharaja of Devgad.

A comparatively small domain was held by the Maharaja, the surrounding area being under the local chiefs known as the Rais or Rajas. They were in complete subjugation to the Maharaja according to his military strength. They attended upon him with levies of local troops and definitely paid much more than a jar of butter or bamboo sticks. They had a free hand in internal matters. The major part of the estate was under the Thakurs who made contributions in cash and kind according to their means and provided a quota of troops for their service of the Raja.

This structure of the Kingdoms of the Raj-Gonds of Gadha and Devgad though common was subject to modifications elsewhere.

One of the striking features of Gondawana administration is the absence of hereditary officers like the Deshmukhs and the Deshpandes so common in Berar. The only hereditary officer in Gadha-Mandla was the registrar or accountant called beohar or sometimes gumasta who was always a Kayastha. Beohar is the corrupt form of Sanskrit word vyavahara. In the semi-feudal semi-tribal areas these hereditary officers were absent. [ WRMSH. pp. 194-5.]

In Devgad and Chandrapur the original basis of Government is the same as in Gondawana. The Rajas were little more than feudal superiors of a number of petty chiefs. Their dependants contributed to them military service. The Rajas like other feudatories possessed a territorial domain in which they exercised direct authority.

With regard to the land revenue system of Devgad i.e. Nagpur and Wardha there were officers known as Deshmukhs, Deshpandes, Hudars, Muharirs and Waradpandes. The Marathas soon after the occupation of Nagpur, Wardha and Chandrapur removed the Deshmukhs and the Deshpandes and changed the name Hudar to Kamavisdar-general manager, and Muharir or accountant to Phadnavis. They, however, retained the office of the Waradpande who had his deputies all over the country to keep the account of actual cultivation, occupancy and rents of lands. The officer of the Priti under the Gonds corresponded to that of the Phadnavis of the Marathas.

This highly centralised administration through the Deshmukhs, Deshpandes, Hudars etc., in the Gondavana appears to be an anomaly. It was certainly common in Berar. But its presence in some parts of Devgad Kingdom would mean that it was found there by the Gond Rajas already existing when they conquered it. In other words the system of administration by Deshmukhs and Deshpandes in some parts of Gondawana i.e., Devgad (Wardha and Nagpur) was the remnant of the previous Khalsa or centralised system, and was continued by the Gonds when they conquered it. The Marathas when they conquered the Gond Kingdoms of Devgad and Chanda, therefore, found in some parts the administration by Deshmukhs and Deshpandes not in fact indigenous to Gondawana. It may be noted here that in Devgad above the ghats the real home of the Devgad Maharajas which forms part of the present Chhindavada district, administration by Deshmukhs and Deshpandes was unknown. Again as late as 1801 A.D. the Pathan Jagirdar of Seoni maintained a feudal State owing allegiance to the Bhosles of Nagpur as his overlords. [ WRMSH. pp. 197-8.]

Under the Bhosles.

By about 1737 A. D. Raghuji I received one-third of the Devgad King- dom from Rani Ratankuvar for the help he rendered her in the fratricidal war. Shortly after this he shifted his capital from Bham in Berar to Nagpur and in 1748 the whole of Devgad Kingdom (Wardha and Nagpur) came under his sway. He removed the sons of Rani Ratankuvar Akbar Shah and Burhan Shah to Nagpur under his care. Thus, in 1748 A. D. Raghuji assumed direct charge of the whole of Devgad Kingdom, though by a formal sanad the chauthai and mokasa of Devgad and Chandrapur of Prant Gondavana were granted to him by Chhatrapati Shahu much earlier.

Raghuji's new administrative set up in Nagpur forming part of Devgad below the ghats was more or less a prototype of the system common in other parts of the Maratha country.

When Raghuji I was offered the robes of Sena-Saheb-Subha he first proceeded to Berar and then to Nagpur, and was accompanied by a number of experienced officials of the Rajamandala recommended by Shahu. The officials going with Raghuji to Nagpur were assigned important posts.

1. Kanher Ram Majumdar was to be the Diwan of Raghuji.

2. Rakhamaji Ganesh Ranadive, Prabhu, was appointed as the Secretary-Chitnavis.

3. Narasingrav Chimaji Prabhu was to work as assistant to Rakhamaji Ganesh the Chitnavis.

4. Bhaskar Ram was placed in charge of the army.

5. Shankaraji Rakhamaji became the Potnis and was also in charge of the Jamadarkhana and the Stores.

6. Mahadaji Prabhu was to act as the Phadnavis i.e., the Secretary for finances.

7. 8. Vyankajipant and Raghopant were appointed as Bakshi, Pay master of the army.

9. Anantbhat Chitale became the Shikkenavis or Keeper of the seal.

10. Vedamurti Vishvambhar Vaidya was to help Rakhamaji Ganesh the Chitnavis. [ KNBB. pp. 43-44.]

These posts assigned to different persons shed light on the principal structure of Nagpur administration. Shahu's intention in sending his own men with Raghuji was to help him to carry on the administration of Nagpur successfully and at the same time to keep an effective check over Raghuji. However, the aim of keeping central control cover the distant noblemen was not so successful. It depended upon the personality of the Chhatrapati. After Shahu's death the central authority of the Chhatrapati remained only in name and the Maratha Sardars tried to be independent within their own territories. This is borne out by the serious differences which existed between the Peshwas and the Bhosles from the beginning to the end.

The Diwan was the chief minister of the Bhosles and represented them in all the matters of the State. He was sometimes addressed as the Karabhari. The word Karabhari in addition to being synonymous with Diwan means a manager. Its use in this sense shows how the Diwan or the Karabhari was all in all.

The Chitnavis was the General Secretary. This office continued to be in the family Rakhamaji Ganesh throughout the reign of the Bhosles.

The duties of the Chitnavis were:-

(I) to carry on the private correspondence of the Raja;

(II) to issue all kinds of orders ajnapatra and takidpatra;

(III) to issue permits and tax-free passes and to prepare the same;

(IV) to date all important letters.

In addition, the Chitnavis tendered advice to the Raja on all diplomatic matters. Bv his very office, Secretaryship, he was closely associated with the ruling Bhosle.

For the loyal services of Rakhamaji Ganes Raghuji I gave him Varambh in the Umred tahsil of Nagpur district as inam in perpetuity. [ From the Unpublished papers of Shrimant Raja Balasaheb Chitnavis of Nagpur.]

Bhaskar Ram was Raghuji's General. He distinguished himself in the Bengal expeditions of Raghuji I. He, however, does not seem to have held the entire army of Raghuji under his command. There were, for instance, other noblemen like Raghuji Karande, Anandrav Wagh, Babaji Ghadage, Zunzararav and Sambhaji Shirke having armies under their own command being directly responsible to Raghuji.

The Potnis was in charge of the treasury, royal jewellery and valuables, and stores. He was to credit to the treasury presents-najarana, tribute-peshkash-etc, and maintain the accounts.

The Phadnavis was the Secretary of the Finances, and the Bakshi the pay-master of the army. The Shikkenavis was the keeper of the seal of the Bhosles. He was to put the seal on all important State documents.

The office of the Munshi, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, seems to have been created by the later Bhosles. He was usually well-versed in Persian and transacted all the correspondence in that language.

Sometimes two offices were combined in one person as in the case of Bhavani Kalu who was in charge of the army but also acted as the Diwan. [ KNPl, p. 285.]

The Subhedar of the subha or the province held military as well as civil command within the subha. These officers held jagirs for their services.

The Waradpande was responsible for land revenue.

The Maratha noblemen were known as Mankaris and were directly responsible to the Raja. There were no hard and fast rules regarding the duties attached to a particular office. For instance Divakarpant Chorghade who was the Divan, also acted as the ambassador of the Bhosles to the East India Company. The Subhedar in a distant province like Katak, similarly, acted in various capacities as the man on the spot.

The Bhosles held their darbar-court in an open varandah. They sat on the throne with the sword and the shield placed in front. Ministers and Military officers attended the darbar. All business which required the Rajas attention openly, was transacted here. The Raja was accessible to the people, heard their grievances and redressed the wrongs.

The revenue office took cognizance of civil and criminal cases, while the patil or the village headman decided cases requiring minor magisterial powers. In important cases the appeal rested with the Sena-Saheb-Subha, who decided them in the open darbar after consulting the proper authorities.

The Bhosle administration was direct and efficient though inelegant. It was free from burdensome mannerism and less paper-ridden than that of the British.

The Sena-Saheb-Subha was not an absolute ruler. Constitutionally he was accountable to the Chhatrapati and the Peshva. The younger brothers of the Sena-Saheb-Subha were assigned territories wherein they were more or less independent. Mudhoji, the younger brother of Janoji Bhosle was given Chandrapur and the title of Sena-Dhurandhar. The two other younger brothers Bimbaji and Sabaji were posted at Chhattisgad and Darva respectively. Other relations of the Bhosles too were given important assignments.

The army of the Bhosles consisted of the foot-soldiers, the cavalry, artillery and elephants.

The details of the cavalry given by Forster, the first Resident of Nagpur (1788-1791), are as follows:-

The cavalry of the Bhosles was known for its speed and efficiency. After the death of Raghuji I the army of the Bhosles became heterogeneous in an increasing proportion. In the Battle of Sitabuldi Manbhat was in command of the Arab contingent.

The income of the Bhosles from different provinces during the Residencv of Forster was:-

Out of this income 16 lacs were spent in the following  manner [ KNPI. pp. 289, 302.]:-

In 1800 A. D. the Bhosles received highest revenue as the territory under them was at its maximum.

²[From the Nagpur Residency Records we find that the Gangthadi region yielded an income of Rupees two lacs. Thus the total income was 111+2=113 lacs.]

The total income of the Bhosles given by Forster during his residency 1788-1791, is 59 lakhs. By 1800 when the territory under the Sena-Saheb-Subhaship of Raghuji II was largest in extent, the total revenue was 113 lacs. Thus, within a period of nine years, from the end of Forster's residency in 1791 to 1800 when the kingdom of the Bhosles reached its maximum limits, the revenue could not have risen from 59 lakhs to 113 lacs. Because, the territories annexed by Raghuji II were neither so large nor so rich as to raise the annual revenue from 59 to 113 lacs within a short span of nine years. Moreover, conquest and expansion of territory was the main achievement of Raghuji I. It is, therefore, obvious, that the revenue figure of Forster is not correct.

The Paraganas and the Gond officers.

The structure of Chandrapur administration under the Gonds was semi- feudal. The entire territory was apportioned among different petty or smaller chiefs who owed allegiance to their overlords or the Rajas. The Rajas were at first feudal superiors receiving only military service from the lesser chiefs. The Rajas, like their feudatories, had their own territorial domain in which alone they exercised direct authority. This system is traceable to ancient times and was definitely Gondi in character. The entire country was divided into paraganas each consisting of a number of villages. Each of them had Zamindar with the establishment of a Deshmukh and a Deshpande. The Marathas removed them retain ing only their Kamavisdar whose original denomination was Hudar. They also retained the accountant Phadnavis who was formerly known as Muharir, and the Waradpande or the recorder of the village accounts. The Waradpande had deputies all over the country to keep the lagvan accounts of the actual position of cultivation, occupancy and rents of the lands. This office existed under the Gonds and was continued by the Marathas. The office of the priti under the Gonds corresponded to that of the Phadnavis under the Marathas. But what is puzzling in this system obtaining in Devgad and Chandrapur is a net work of permanent and hereditary officials extending over the whole area in which the feudal chiefs have no place. [Sir Richard Jenkins-Report on the Territories of the Raja of Nagpur, 1827, Ed. 1901, pp. 67, 71. ]

Khalsa system.

A closer study of the facts helps us to solve the apparent puzzle. According to Sir Richard Jenkins who had made a careful study of the revenue administration of the territory under the Bhosles, the tract from Wainganga eastwards was parcelled out amongst the Gond Zamindars at the time of Maratha conquest. These Gond Zamindars were warlike and of wild and irregular habits. The word Zamindar here connotes a local chief and not a local officer. The highly centralized administration through Hudars, Deshmukhs, Deshpandes etc., was originally not of the Gonds. This system is better known as Khalsa. It was found only in the area adjoining Berar, where it was introduced at an early date under Hindu rule. When the Raj-Gonds extended their sway over the low country i. e., from the Wainganga river eastward they found the Khalsa system prevailing in some parts of the newly acquired territory, and simply continued it. The Khalsa system though sufficiently old was later in time sequence than the semi-feudal system indigenous to Gondawana.

Another possible explanation of the prevalence of the Khalsa system in Chandrapur is that it was introduced there, at least in some parts, by the Muslims when they overran it. They applied the system to Chandrapur taking it from Berar which had fallen into their hands first. During the period between the fall of the Muslim power and the establishment of the Maratha rule over Chandrapur, the Gonds of Chandrapur were practically independent and it is quite possible that they continued the system Khalsa which had been introduced by the Muslims.

In this regard it may be noted that in Damoh, Narasingpur and Harrai which for a long time retained their typical Gondi character, before they were affected either by the Moghal or the Maratha influences, the administrative system native to the Gonds was prevailing. For instance in Damoh the petty chiefs enjoyed land revenue in lieu ot the military service they rendered to the overlord. In addition they offered annually a jar of butter or a couple of bamboo sticks to their overlord as a token of their subordination to him. The Chandrapur Raj Gond too was offered jungle products and tiger skins by his subordinates every year when the court met. [ Gazetteer of India, Maharashtra State, Nagpur District (Revised Edition), 1966, p. 59.]

At the time of the Land Revenue settlement of Chandrapur (1869) majority of the Zamindars are recorded to have held positions as subordinates of the feudal type since the time of the Gonds.

Nilkanth Shah, the Gond king (1735-51), before he was subjugated by the Marathas, styled himself as Maharajadhiraj Shri Bhupati Rajeshri Nilkanthashahaji Raje. This clearly shows Maratha influence even before the conquest of Chandrapur by them. [RCI. p. 153.]

The Marathas conquered Chandrapur in 1751, and soon extended their administration over the whole territory. They retained the fiscal machinery and procedure of the Gonds. However, in practice, their method proved to be exacting. They increased the demand on the village and what was taxable was made liable to assessment. The Patels who were Gonds were replaced by their favourites or by those who agreed to raise larger sums than in the previous regime. At the same time the Marathas have to be credited for observing the fundamental principal, namely, the ryot should not be asked to pay more than the assessment fixed by the State, and the Patel's duty was to look to his free land, his percentage on collections, his dues and increased cultivation for remuneration. Even during the British protectorate (1818-30) and the second Maratha administration (1830-53) the principle strictly followed was that the Patel was not to increase the assessment fixed by Government, and was to bring the waste and fallow lands under the plough.

While settling the assessment the Marathas did not rely upon the Deshmukhs, Deshpandes and the Sir Mukadams, probably because of their being in office since Gondi times. As a check upon these hereditary Officials the village papers were forwarded by the Diwan to the Subhedar or the head executive officer at Chandrapur. This officer after the rains sent an examiner called Tankhiwale with the papers to each village. The Tankhiwale going from village to village called the cultivators before him questioning them one by one as to the actual amount they had paid in the previous year. He then visited the cultivated area and noted if any field had been left out or could be assessed at a higher rate, at the same time carefully inspecting all the land in the possession of the Patel and his relatives. The original papers together with the Tankhiwale's notes were then submitted to the Subhedar who thereupon proceeded to fix the assessment for the ensuing year, sometimes in consultation with the Paragana officials but often without their advice. When a village had fallen waste it was settled for a term of five years on what was called istawoa or sawai. In the istawoa the demand for the first year was low and then increased at a fixed ratio say five rupees per year. In the sawai the rate of increase was one-fourth per year. In both the systems, after the expiry of the term, assessment was brought to the normal rate as under the Patel's jurisdiction.

Heavy burguns or extraordinary imposts were levied yearly on the paraganas distributed over the villages. These sources of emolument were utilised by all officials from the Diwan to the Patel, as each exacted from his subordinates something more than what he had to pay.

After the death of Janoji, the Sena-Saheb-Subha, Chandrapur was subject to frequent disturbances. In 1803 the Pendharis appeared and during the next fifteen years plundered the country creating consternation among the peasantry. A severe famine swept the country in 1804 when the rich sold their jewels to supply food to the poor. During Appasaheb's hostility with the British (1817-18), the city of Chandrapur was stormed, sacked and the cattle driven away. The net result was the impoverishment of the country.

Chandrapur as already observed was the capital of Mudhoji, Vyankoji alias Nanasaheb and Appasaheb. Their rule was harsh and they dismissed a good number Gond Patels appointing in their place their favourites and relations. However, absentee farmers were not so common at this time as in the second Maratha period. The net result was that a good area of land fell out of cultivation. Details regarding the revenue collections of this period are not available as the account papers together with the old Gond records were destroyed by Lingopant Dikshit. But according to the Resident Sir Richard Jenkins, the collections from the Khalsa portion during the ten years preceding the British protectorate averaged Rs. 3,34,227 per annum.

British Protectorate.

During the British protectorate (1818-30) the administration of Chandrapur along with the Nagpur territories was conducted by the Resident acting in the name of the Raja Raghuji III. He was assisted for the Chandrapur subha by Captain G. N. Crawford. He at once took stern action against the Gonds who were up in arms against the new British administration. He put down rebellion and plundering by the anti-British elements.

As regards the land revenue policy he maintained the ancient system and did away with those Maratha practices which were coercive and had proved abusive to their power. The period of British protectorate was reckoned as one of peace and improvement. The burguns and petty imposts which were entered in the accounts as land revenue were abolished. Tanks were repaired and deserted villages repeopled.

The allowance of the Patels ranged from 13 to 15 percent of the total village assessment. The system adopted by Captain Crawford was that of istawoa for assessment. Among the people it was known as the tahoot bandobast, tahoot meaning lease. The idea was that the sum represented what the patel could afford to pay from the annual increase to be expected by the improvement of the village. The Resident recorded that Captain Crawford's last or five years settlement resulted in the decrease of the revenue. However, on the whole the collections showed a rise. During the superintendentship of Crawford Lingopant Dikshit popularly known as Aba Saheb was appointed Sadar Waradpande. He wielded great influence with the Resident. It was he who destroyed the records which ran counter to his designs. He died in 1824.

Captain Crawford dismissed Pandes and made the Patels responsible for submitting the village papers. The system introduced during the period of the protectorate was not free from defects. But the much needed order and peace which he brought was gratefully remembered by the people.

Second Maratha administration.

In 1830 Nagpur territories were entrusted to Raghuji III and the Chandrapur administration was managed from Nagpur through a resident executive officer styled subhedar or Subha. His establishment consisted of the following officers:-

The bodies of horse and foot police were under a superior officer.

Chitnavis

1. The Chitnavis read all reports petitions etc. to the Subhedar. He endorsed the Subhedar's orders thereon.

Roznamachanavis.

2. The Roznamachanavis worked under the Chitnavis and kept a regular diary of all that happened in the court and forwarded a copy of the same daily to the Raja at Nagpur.

Phadnavis and Sadar Waradpande.

3. The Phadnavis was the head of the revenue Department and no payment could be made from the Sadar Treasury without an order signed by him. The Sadar Waradpande was subordinate to him in charge of the village papers and the khajanchi or Treasury.

4. The Ubhait always attended upon the Subhedar and was incharge of the orderly Chaparasis. He noted everything that was done by the Subhedar and forwarded a daily report of the same to the Sadar Ubhait at Nagpur.

5. The Diwani Shirastedar was the head of the Civil Judicial Department, and the Faujadari Shirastedar that of the Criminal. The Moharirs were clerks. All these officials were appointed by the Raja generally on the recommendation of the heads of their respective departments at Nagpur. The Subhedar had no authority to punish them. Each had a good deal of power. The Subhedar knowing their influence over the Raja through their patrons was afraid of incurring their displeasure.

To a certain extent these officials served as a sort of check and counter check upon each other.

Paragana Officials.

6. The designation of the Paragana officer was changed from Diwan to Kamavisdar. The services of the Deshmukh, Deshpande and the Sir Mukadam which had become nominal for the last many years were dispensed with and a Phadnavis was appointed to supervise the revenue work. The official styled as Karkun came to be designated Peshkar. Thus the newly modelled establishment of a Paragana had-

1. Kamavisdar.

2. Phadnavis.

3. Waradpande.

4. Peshkar.

5. Potdar.

6. Naj Pande.

All these officers were appointed by the Raja and as a rule were deputed from Nagpur.

According to the report of Major Lucie Smith this system gave rise to nepotism. Persons having influence at Nagpur filled up posts throughout the district. The Patels were ousted. If they left their posts in good grace they were often rewarded with a rent-free land, but if they opposed, they were required to pay for their villages sums which they could not yield. Patels who had spent generations in the village were dismayed and desperately agreed to pay more. But in fact could not raise more money from the villages and in the end the official bidder stepped in. Thus a Patel who was rooted in the soil for generations, had founded a village, had constructed a tank for its prosperity was ruthlessly ejected to make room for a Nagpur or Chandrapur official.

The officials coming from Nagpur or Chandrapur being absentees could not manage the village as the resident Patel could. In consequence the receipts fell and an influential holder of the village pressed for the reduction of jama (collection) which was rarely refused. To make good this loss demands on the village were increased. But when the village could not yield more threat, fetters and imprisonment were used upon the peasantry. The Patel under the circumstances was forced to join the officials and help them in squeezing the village. He offered them bribes and completely neglected the village which had maintained him for generations. Thus the hen that laid the golden egg was killed. A chain of corrupt officials from top to bottom flourished. The Patel to maintain his. position enforced exactions. When this was brought to the notice of the Raja he visited Chandrapur and learned how his officials were abusing power. On the first occasion he fined the Subhedar Krishnarav Anand and his accomplices by Rs. 1,19,072, and on the second occasion he dismissed the Nagpur Chitnavis, his relatives and other officials. But it was too late for the Raja to rectify the wrong done.

At this time one Shiubai Joshin who came forward as the defender of the people merits our attention. Widowed at an early age she took upon herself the task of giving vent to the public feelings, unable to bear the wrongs that were being done by the officials. She was known for honesty and character. She fearlessly approached the Raja and got wrongs redressed in many cases. The Nagpur officials feared her and later saw that the Raja would not meet her. But her efforts to help the public in getting their wrongs redressed are noteworthy. Her efforts fell short as hers was a lone voice against the corrupt system.

The land revenue steadily fell. Irreparable wrong was done to many and the people left demoralised towards the end of the career of Raghuji III. [LSRLRSC. pp. 123-131.]

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