HISTORY

MARATHAS

Bhosle Rule over Berar.

During the Maratha War of Independence Parasoji Bhosle distinguished himself by his ravaging activities in the Berar and Gondavana. He established his influence there and collected tribute. For his services he was offered the title of Sena-Saheb-Subha by Chhatrapati Rajaram. For all practical purposes Parasoji Bhosle the first Sena-Saheb Subha can be recognised as the founder of the Bhosle family of Nagpur. With a view to keeping his hold over the Berar he chose Bham in the present Yeotmal District as his headquarters.

From the available historical evidence the Bhosle family of Nagpur could definitely be counted among the Kshatriya families of the Marathas. The Bhosle family to which Chhatrapati Shivaji belonged hailed from Verul, near Daulatabad. The Bhosle's of Nagpur are known as Hinganikar as one of their ancestors who was probably a contemporary of Maloji, the grandfather of Chhatrapati Shivaji, rehabilitated the village Berdi near Hingani in the present district of Pune. The two brothers Mudhoji and Rupaji of Hingani-Berdi, were contemporaries of Shahaji Bhosle, father of Shivaji, Like the Chhatrapati Bhosle house, the Nagpur Bhosle family too considers itself to have descended from the Sisodia Rajputs of Udaipur. It is quite possible that some Kshatriya clans of the Rajputs came down to the Maratha country from the north during the long ascendancy of the Muslims. Nevertheless, it is a historical fact that there were Kshatriya families in the Maratha country like the Rashtrakutas, the Chalukyas and the Yadavas, who had no relationship with the Rajputs of the north.

The family tree in the bakhar of the Bhosles of Nagpur denotes ancestors who were common to this house and also to the Bhosle house of the Chhatrapatis. The Bhosles of Nagpur and the Chhatrapatis house belonged to the same Kshatnya clan. However, there is no independent historical evidence to establish common ancestry between the two families beyond a few generations preceding Chhatrapati Shivaji. The account in the bakhar of the Bhosles of Nagpur therefore, has to be taken with a grain of salt.

In the biography of Chhatrapati Sambhaji by Malhar Ramrav Chitanis it is stated that after the death of Shivaji his obsequies were performed by Sabaji Bhosle, as Sambhaji, the eldest son, was in confinement on the fort of Panhala. But James Grant Duff in his A History of the Marathas, Vol. I, p. 243, says that Shivaji's funeral rites were performed by one ' Shahjee Bhonslay ' (Shahaji Bhosle). There is no unanimity among contemporary writers about the person performing Shivajis funeral rites. Duff's statement does not seem to be correct.

If, however Sabaji Bhosle performed the obsequies there is every possibility that this Bhosle, the ancestor of the famous Raghuji Bhosle of Nagpur, was a known blood relation of the Chhatrapatis. At the time of Shahu Chhatrapati's home-coming when Tarabai and her partisans purposely cast doubt about Shahu being the grandson of Shivaji, it was Parasoji of the Nagpur Bhosle house who dined with Shahu and dispelled the doubt. Then again during the last years of Shahu's reign it was strongly rumoured that he would select an heir to the gadi of Satara from the Bhosles of Nagpur as he had no son. Later, the English offered to seat one of the Bhosle's of Nagpur on the gadi of Satara. All these events indicate the possibility of a common ancestor of the Bhosles of Satara and Nagpur though direct historical evidence is not yet forthcoming to establish the fact.

The two Bhosle brothers Mudhoji and Rupaji were contemporaries of Shahaji Bhosle and were noted roving soldiers [ NPL, p. 44.]. Rupaji it seems was residing at Bham in the district of Yavatmal where he had a jagir [ Ibid., p. 46.]. He was childless. Of the sons of Mudhoji, Parasoji and Sabaji stayed with their uncle at Bham and served in the army of' Chhatrapati Shivaji.

Parasoji Bhosle.

Parasoji seems to have gained some distinction by his inroads into the territories of Berar and Gondavana during the reign of Shivaji. He exacted tribute from these regions. After Sambhaji's death when Rajaram succeeded to the throne of the Chhatrapati, Parasoji rendered him valuable help. In appreciation of his service Rajaram honoured Parasoji by presenting him robes, jaripataka and the title of Senasaheb-Subha. Gondavana, Devagad, Chanda and Berar from where he had exacted tribute were given to his charge. [ Malhar Ramrav Chitanis Virachita Srimant Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaja Ani Thorale Rajaram Maharaja yanchi Charitre by K. N. Sane, Third Edition, 1915, p. 51.] Parasoji was the first of the Bhosles of Nagpur to have received this honorific title. This grant was made in 1699 A.D. [ NPI, p. 45.]

When Shahu was released by the Moghals, Parasoji was the first of the Maratha nobles to join him. Parasoji dined with Shahu in the same dish to dispel the doubt of the latter's royal descent entertained by his enemies. In 1707 Shahu conferred on Parasoji the title of ' Sena Saheb Subha' and issued a sanad granting him and his successors in perpetuity 'mokasa of the following places:-

1. Prant-Ritapur and Sarkar Gavel, Prant Berar, Prant Devagad Chanda and Gondvana.

2. Mahal wise details of Anagondi, [ It is difficult to understand how Parasoji could get mahals from Anagondi in distant Karnatak. Harihar and Bukka founded the Vijayanagar empire here. The correct name of the place is Anegundi.] Berar, etc.-

Kanhoji Bhosle.

So far, for the grant of 147 mahals from the six sarkars there is no documentary evidence. [ NBB, p. 31 states that these mahals were granted to Parasoji Bhosle. Independent evidence in support of this statement is not available.

P.D., Vol. 20, p. 1. " The Early struggle of the Bhosles cannot yet be set down with accuracy, not a single paper relating to Parasoji, the founder of the Nagpur Rajas and first prominent adherent of King Shahu, having been hither to discovered. "] Parasoji, the first Senasaheb Subha, died at Khed at the confluence of the rivers Krishna and Venna in 1709, on his homeward journey from Satara. [ NPI, p. 50.] Parasoji was succeeded by his son Kanhoji. Chhatrapati Shahu granted Kanhoji his hereditary title and also some land at Khed for the maintenance of his father's memorial. Darva was taken by Kanhoji and he made Bham his headquarters in Berar.

The Sayyad brothers and Nizam-ul-mulk were engaged in a life and death struggle in order to gain control over Delhi affairs. The political equation of those days was that one who controlled Delhi by bringing the emperor under his influence, controlled the entire politics of Hindustan. In this contest for power between the Sayyad brothers and the Nizam, Shahu supported the former as they were responsible in securing the Sanads of Swaraj, Chauthai and Saradeshmukhi for him [ SNHM. Vol. II. p. 46.].

In the first engagement that took place near Khandwa in June 1729, the Sayyad brothers suffered a defeat but were not destroyed. They gathered their forces, resolved to measure swords with the Nizam to the finish, though they were cautioned not to be desperate by their friends. In addition to the help of Alam-Ali-Khan, cousin of the Sayyads, they had the support of a Maratha army numbering about 18,000.

Nizam-ul-Mulk, after his victory at Khandva crossed the Satpudas and descended into the Payaghat region of Berar. The river Puma which was in floods separated him and his enemy who was to its south. On getting fordage the Nizam crossed the Purna and camped near Shegaon. The army of the Bhosles of Nagpur (Kanhoji) harassed the Nizam by-trying to cut his supplies and water. The Nizam then camped at Balapur. Alam Ali Khan came upon the Nizam with speed. In a desperate engagement Alam Ali was wounded by a bullet while goading his elephant. At this critical moment he was attacked by Nizam's soldiers and killed. Shankaraji Malhar a warrior-diplomat of Shahu was severely wounded and made prisoner. He shortly succumbed to the wounds.

In this war fought at Balapur in Berar the Sayyad brothers were supported by Maratha veterans like Khanderav Dabhade, Santaji Shinde, Damaji Gaikwad, Shankaraji Malhar and Kanhoji Bhosle the second Senasaheb subha. [ SNHM. Vol. II. pp. 70-72.] Damaji Gaikwad who distinguished himself in this war merited the attention of Chhatrapati Shahu and rose to a higher position in Maratha politics.

From the Peshva Diary it seems that Peshva Bajirav I was present in this war [ KVI. pp. 146-147.].

The victories at Khandva and Balapur brought about an important change in the politics of Hindustan and consequently in that of the Maratha country as they signalled the fall of the Sayyad brothers and the rise of Nizam-ul-Mulk, who was destined to play an important role in the subsequent history of the Deccan.

Alam Ali's supporters such as Mubariz Khan, Turk Taz-Khan and his allies, the Marathas congratulated the Nizam upon his victory at Balapur.

In October 1720 one of the Sayyad brothers, Husain AH was assassinated, and his brother Abdulla Ali was imprisoned on 14th November and put to death on 11th October 1722. With the death of the Sayyad brothers who were the victims of political intrigues at Delhi, the Marathas lost their supporters. [ SNHM. Vol. It. pp. 71-3.]

Following the fall of the Sayyad brothers the political condition at Delhi became much more difficult for the emperor. He had to appoint Nizam-ul-Mulk as his Vazir in the absence of any other competent person to fill up the post. The Nizam too was well-aware that vazirship was not a bed of roses. He, however, had to accept the office when offered by the emperor. On assuming vazirship he entrusted the government of the Deccan to his agent Mubariz Khan and left Aurangabad for Delhi in October 1721. [ SNHM. Vol. II. p. 75.] He soon discovered that the emperor was eager to get rid of him at the earliest opportunity. Particularly, the emperor was very much alarmed when the Nizam established his hold over Malva, Gujarat and the Deccan. With a view to keeping the Nizam at bay he was transferred to distant Oudh. Disgusted with Delhi politics and his growing differences with the emperor, the Nizam on the pretext of proceeding to Oudh, escaped to the south. He wrote to the emperor that he felt it as his imperative duty to force the Marathas out of Malva and Gujarat. He reached Ujjain expecting an encounter with the Marathas at any time.

In the meanwhile the emperor instructed Mubariz Khan to oppose the Nizam and appointed him as the subhetlar of the Deccan. Shahu too was asked to keep ready to put down the Nizam Now a war between the Nizam and Mubariz Khan in charge of the Deccan was inevitable. The Nizam, judging the entire situation, preferred the opposition in the Deccan to the risky job of vazirship at the capital. Bajirav who was well-informed about Nizam's activities, was preparing to opposing him on getting a suitable opportunity. When opposed by Mubariz Khan and the Marathas, the Nizam at once adopted a conciliatory attitude towards the Marathas. He had a meeting with Bajirav at Nalchha near Dhar on 18th May 1724, in which both professed friendship towards each other. [ SNHM. Vol. IT. pp. 77-7 8.] The Nizam knew that it was sheer foolishness to create two enemies at one and the same time viz, Marathas and Mubariz Khan. His temporary friendship with Bajirav I was a rare feat of diplomatic victory by which the war which was soon to be fought with Mubariz was won by him.

Mubariz Khan, after formally receiving the subhedarship of the Deccan, started from Hyderabad. The Nizam too left Aurangabad on 3rd September taking the eastern route. Mubariz Khan's plan was to avoid an encounter with the Nizam till he himself was joined by the force dispatched from Delhi to help him. By rapid marches from Hyderabad he crossed the South Purna a tributary of the Godavari, and encamped on the plain of Sakarkherda in the present District of Buldhana. He kept a small force to guard the forts on the South Purna with a view to stopping the Nizam who was expected to cross it at any time after he had left Aurangabad. Mubariz had known how in the Battle of Balapur the Nizam had overcome his opponents. He, therefore, avoided a war with him and waited at Sakarkherda for succour from Delhi. The Nizam, who was a past-master in war tactics fell upon the ford-guards, killed them, and appeared on the plains of Sakarkherda before Mubariz could get help from Delhi. Mubariz, however, had the help of the rulers of Arcot, Kadappa, Karnool and others. The Nizam at once attacked the army of Mubariz. In the war that followed Mubariz and his two sons fell fighting. [SNHM. Vol. II. pp. 81-2.] With the fall of the master the army was easily routed and the Nizam won the day. A large number of elephants, other animals, and war-equipment fell into the hands of the Nizam. He sent the severed head of Mubariz to the emperor explaining that he could do away with his enemy only because of the backing and blessings of His Majesty.

To the Nizam the victory at Sakarkherda was of supreme importance. It was to him for the hegemony of the Deccan, what Buxar was to the British for that of Bengal. This war laid the foundation of the Nizam's power in the Deccan. For all practical purposes he acted like an independent ruler scrupulously avoiding to have for himself the status of a de jure sovereign by breaking his allegiance with the supreme lord, the Emperor of Delhi. From Sakarkherda onward the Nizam and the Marathas were pitted against each other for the supremacy of the Deccan. Time and again, from Palkhed to Kharda, the Nizam was routed on battle-fields by the Marathas but was not exterminated. The policy of the Marathas to remain neutral in this war is subject to criticism for and against. However, it is an undisputed fact that the Marathas put an end to the political supremacy of Islam over the Deccan and the Berar that had come to stay since the days of Ala-ud-din Khilji.

In memory of his great victory at Sakarkherda the Nizam changed the name of the place to Fatehkherda.

The vast plain of Sakarkherda had by its side two big tanks where the armies used to pitch their camps. To avoid war troubles the local people filled these tanks up rendering the plain useless for camping for want of water.

The Nizam had brought with him a small Bundela contingent having an artillery. It was on the vanguard in the war. One Kuvarchand Bundela was their leader. After the war a good number of them settled at Sakarkherda. A few families are still living there. The tomb of Mubariz Khan stands in a lonely field to this day. A number of tombs dotting the surrounding area probably belong to some unknown heroes who fell fighting for their master. [KVI. pp. 149-50.]

After Sakarkherda the Nizam proceeded to Hyderabad via Aurangabad. Hyderabad hereafter became the metropolis of the Nizam's dominions. The title of Asaf Jah was bestowed upon the Nizam by the emperor as late as 1737 when he was called to Delhi to plan an offensive against the Marathas. According to some writers however, it is said to have been given to him in 1725.

In this war one Raghoji of the famous Jadhavrav family of Sindkhed was present on behalf of the Moghals. He had received orders to help Mubariz Khan against the Nizam. Raghoji fell on the battle field of Sakarkherda while fighting. The Nizam with a view to punishing the Jadhavs attacked their place but the sons of Raghoji had already escaped to Satara for shelter. Raghoji's son later, was a partisan of Tarabai. [KVI p. 151.] The battle of Sakarkherda thus proved to be a turning point in the fortunes of the Asaf Jahi dynasty. The Nizam once for all settled in the Deccan and the Marathas had to wage wars with him off and on till practically the end of the 18th Century. By his diplomacy and tact the Nizam in this war kept the Marathas practically out of the picture and later, on suitable occasions, did not fail to wage wars with them in order to establish his subhedari rights over the Deccan and Berar. In view of the Maratha-Nizam conflict in future it could be stated that the Marathas committed a mistake in adopting an attitude of neutrality in this war between the Nizam and Mubariz Khan. They should have supported the weak Mubariz.

Kanhoji Bhosle offered to help Mubariz Khan in this war but he rudely refused it. In the unpublished documents secured from the Chitnavis Daftar it is mentioned that the Nizam granted to Kanhoji Bhosle Jagir worth Rs. 74,000^-00 which was formerly enjoyed by one Sayed Hajikhan of Kuharar Mahal. [ From the unpublished Daftar of Shrimant Raja Balasaheb Chitnavis, Nagpur.] This has so far no corroboration from the published information regarding the relation between Kanhoji Bhosle and the Nizam. If according to this unpublished paper Kanhoji received such a large land grant from the Nizam it explains among other things the main reason of his discord with Shahu.

Kanhoji was a pious minded orthodox Maratha nobleman. It is stated that he accepted food prepared by Brahmins alone. For a long time Kanhoji was without an issue. In order to have a son by God's grace he performed sacrifices and observed fasts. [ Chitnavis Daftar, Nagpur. (Unpublished). This very source states that Kanhoji used breast milk for sacrifices. Shahu, detested this and ordered Raghuji Bhosle to proceed against him.]

Kanhoji falls from Shahu's grace.

Kanhoji it seems was a hot-tempered person. He was not keeping good relations either with the Chhatrapati or the Peshva. He did not pay regularly the dues into the Chhatrapatis treasury, and when called upon to explain negligence of duty he avoided meetings with the Chhatrapati. Kanhoji was not happy under the control of the Chhatrapati. His relations with the Chhatrapati worsened towards the end of 1725, and in order to escape the wrath of the Chhatrapati he decamped from Satara and sought asylum with the Nizam. The Nizam, however, after his victory at Sakarkherda was not at all eager to shelter Kanhoji. Chhatrapati Shahu also reminded the Nizam that if he backed Kanhoji he would consider it as a breach of faith as they had entered into a friendly alliance recently. When all attempts to bring about an understanding with Kanhoji failed, Shahu ordered Raghuji to proceed against Kanhoji. Raghuji had been asking from his uncle Kanhoji his share in the ancestral Jagir. This had naturally strained the relationship between the nephew and the uncle. Chhatrapati Shahu, in setting the nephew against the uncle, exploited the family feud among the Bhosles to his own advantage. Raghuji after making due preparations started from Satara in 1728 against his uncle. On this occasion the Chhatrapati granted him the mokasa of Devur near Wai. In virtue of this grant the Bhosles of Nagpur came to be styled as Rajas of Devur. Raghuji also received the robes of sena-saheb-subha, sanads for Berar and Gondvana, and the right to extend the levy of chauthai to Chhattisgad, Patna, Allahabad and Makasudabad (Bengal).

Raghuji entered Berar via Aurangabad. Near Jalna Samsher Bahaddar Atole objected to Raghuji's taking the army through his territory as the old route passed through Nanded and Ashti. Raghuji avoided an encounter with Atole and encamped at Balapur after crossing the Lakhanvada ghats. From Balapur Raghuji sent his armed men all over Berar and collected tributes. Sujayat Khan Pathan of Akola serving under the Navabs of Ellichpur was easily defeated by Raghuji and his territory subjugated. Thus, after establishing his rule over the greater part of Berar, Raghuji proceeded towards Bham, the headquarters of his uncle, in 1730 A.D. The small fortress at Bham was besieged by Raghuji's army. He was joined by one of his uncles Ranoji. Hard pressed on all sides Kanhoji escaped from Bham and ran for safety towards Mahur. He was hotly chased by Raghuji and Ranoji and overtaken near Mandar (Vani). In the skirmish that took place, Kanhoji was defeated and taken prisoner. Thus the career of Kanhoji the second sena-saheb-subha came to an end, and he spent the remaining part of his life as a prisoner at Satara. [ NPI, pp. 58-64.] At one time Kanhoji was an enterprising officer of Shahu. He made some conquests in Gondavana and led an incursion into Katak, laying the foundation of Maratha expansion eastward. His request made through his friend Pratinidhi that he should be allowed to keep 200 horse with Akola and Balapur in Paya Ghat for maintenance was not granted. All was lost, once he lost the favour of Shahu. [ James Grant Duff. Esq. A History of the Marathas, Vol. I, p. 424, Calcutta, Published by R. Cambray and Co., Law Booksellers and Publishers, 9, Hastings Street, 1912.] The end of Kanhoji's political career in about 1730 opened up for Raghuji new opportunities in Berar, Nagpur and the region beyond to the east.

Raghuji Bhosle.

By suppressing the recalcitrant Kanhoji, Raghuji gained the favour of Chhatrapati Shahu. As already observed Shahu conferred on him the title of Sena-saheb-subha and the right to collect chauthai from Berar, Gondavana, Chhattisgad, Allahabad, Makasudabad (Bengal) and Patna. According to Grant Duff on the occasion of receiving these grants and rights Raghuji gave a bond to Shahu which ran as follows:-

1. That he would maintain a body of 5,000 horse for the service of the State.

2. Pay an annual sum of Rs. 9 lacs.

3. Pay half of the tribute, prizes, property and other contributions excluding the ghasdana.

4. Raise 10,000 horse when required, and accompany the Peshva or proceed to any place he might be ordered to.

These terms of the bond are important in determining the relations between the Chhatrapati and Raghuji on one hand, and Raghuji and the Peshva on the other. In fact, these terms were a binding even on the successors of Raghuji Bhosle in their relations with the Peshvas.

Details of Raghuji's early life are not available. It seems that shortly after his birth his father Bimbaji died and he was brought up by his mother Kashibai and grandmother Bayabai at Pandavavadi near Wai (District Satara). The child, it is said, was born by the grace of one Ramajipant Kolhatkar, a pious devotee of Rama and was, therefore, named Raghuji. There seems to be much truth in this story. Raghuji was a devotee of God Rama though the family deity was Mahadeva. He installed the old idol of Rama at Ramtek and was responsible for reviving the religious importance of this ancient place. In honour of his favourite deity Rama he engraved into his state seal the word Sita-Kanta, ' Lord of Sita.'

When Raghuji attained manhood he served in the army of his uncle Ranoji. Later, he was with his other uncle Kanhoji, the Sena-saheb-subha, at Bham. Raghuji did not fare well with Kanhoji and entered the services of Chand Sultan of Devgad. For sometime he was in the service of the Navab of Ellichpur. [ NPI, p. 69.] Finally Raghuji decided to serve Chhatrapati Shahu at Satara. During his stay there, he was asked to accompany Fatehsingh Bhosle to the Karnatak where he distinguished himself as a capable general. When Raghuji's qualities as a soldier and leader of men came to the notice of Shahu, he appointed him against the disobedient Kanhoji.

In the early part of his career Raghuji appears to have been a freelance soldier, shifting his loyalty from his uncle to the weak Gond Rajas. This was rather the time-honoured expedient resorted to by many an ambitious soldier. Raghuji was not slow to grasp the political situation prevailing in the region spreading from the distant Karnatak to Gondavana, and finally threw his lot with Shahu, who was by then a well established Chhatrapati. This was indeed a good decision which turned out to be beneficial both to the Chhatrapati and Raghuji Bhosle.

After consolidating his position at Bham in Berar, Raghuji turned his attention to the Gond Kingdoms of Devgad, Gadha-Mandla, Chanda and Chhattisgad. Internal dissensions in these kingdoms and their wars with other States were the occasions availed of by Raghuji for establishing his sway over them. In 1739-1740 Raghuji was sent to Karnatak by Shahu. Raghuji distinguished himself in this expedition. Returning from Karnatak he made the necessary arrangement for the invasion of Bengal and dispatched a large army under the command of his General Bhaskarpant. Bengal invasions engaged Raghuji's attention for ten years, from 1741 to 1751 A. D. The net gain was the annexation of Orissa. It was during these years that the historic dispute between Raghuji Bhosle and Balaji Peshva arose when their interests in the east clashed. Thus, broadly the chronological sequence of Raghuji's major exploits is:-

securing Berar by defeating his uncle Kanhoji;

extending his sway over the Gond Kingdoms;

Karnatak expedition; and

incursions into Bengal.

Raghuji and the Gond kingdoms.

Devgad: Raghuji for sometime had sought service [ RMSH., p. 171.] with Chand Sultan of Devgad after quitting his uncle Kanhoji at Bham with whom he had quarrelled. The details of Raghuji's service with Chand Sultan are not available from the known source material. Chand Sultan died in about 1738 [NPI, pp. 71-74; also see RMSH, p. 173. As desired by the Rani Ratan Kuvar her " possessions were divided into three equal parts and one of them, namely that containing Gondavana Pavani, Marud, Multai and Barghat was given to Raghuji Sena Saheb " "He then lived in Nagpur and Devgad provinces."]. His illegitimate son Wali Shah killed Mir Bahaddar the legitimate son of Chand Sultan. Rani Ratankuvar, the widow of Chand asked for Raghuji's help as her two other sons Akbar and Burhan were minors. Raghuji at once proceeded from Bham and defeated Wali Shah's generals at Patansavangi. He next conquered Pavani to the south of Bhandara on the river Wainganga. This was a strategic post. Raghuji appointed his own officer Tulojirampant. The fort of Bhanore or modern Bhandara was Raghuji's next target of attack. Wali Shah, hurriedly dispatched from Devgad an army under his divan Raghunathsingh to relieve the pressure on Bhandara fort. Raghuji was camping at Sirasghat on the Wainganga. He split his army into two divisions stationing them at Sonabardi and Giroli. A select army under Raghuji Karande was sent to face the enemy with the instruction that it should take to its heels at a suitable time and lure Raghunathsingh between the two Maratha divisions. Raghunathsingh's army was entrapped, routed and drowned into the Wainganga. He himself was taken prisoner in a wounded state and honourably sent back to Devgad with a view to capturing Wali Shah by treachery. The fort of Bhandara was besieged. Its killedar resisted bravely for about three weeks but was finally forced to deliver it to Raghuji's men. Raghuji next marched on Devgad. As pre-planned Wali Shah was advised by his divan Raghunathsingh to leave the fort without resistance. In a skirmish that took place outside the fort, Wali Shah was defeated and taken prisoner. Thereupon Rani Ratan Kuvar who had two sons considered Raghuji as her third son and gave him one third share of her Kingdom. For war expenses she paid Raghuji Rs. 10,00,000. A formal sanad bestowing one third of her kingdom was granted to Raghuji in 1737.

The sanad mentions that the fort of Pavani along with Balapur, paragana Multai with Chikhali and 156 villages, the entire paragana of Warud were granted to Raghuji and his successors in perpetuity. [ KNPI, pp. 71-74; WRMSH. p. 173.] The Rani also agreed that she would not enter into a treaty with any power without the consent of Raghuji. In 1748 the relations between Raghuji and the divan Raghunathsingh were strained. Raghuji therefore, brought Akbar and Burhan to Nagpur under his direct protection and care. The Gond house of Devgad thus came to be merged into the expanding kingdom of Raghuji.

The sanad granted by Rani Ratan Kuvar shows the extent of the Gond Kingdom of Devgad stretching into the present district of Nagpur.

During Bajirav-Nizam conflict which ended in the defeat of the latter at Bhopal in 1738, Bajirav appealed to Raghuji for help but to no purpose. On the contrary, finding Bajirav busy in Malva, Raghuji carried his raids as far as Allahabad, on the way exacting tribute from the Raja of Gadha-Mandla in the then Bundelkhand territory. Raghuji's invasion of Gadha-Mandla was considered by Bajirav as encroachment upon his sphere of influence i.e., Bundelkhand where he had obtained one third of the territory from Chhatrasal Bundela, whose sons were his proteges. This was the root-cause of the rupture between Balaji Bajirav and Raghuji over Gadha-Mandla, Allahabad, Bihar and Bengal. Thanks to Chhatrapati Shahu's timely mediation, a major conflict between the two mighty Maratha noblemen, Balaji and Raghuji was averted. Both were reconciled to each other in 1743. [SNHM. Vol. II. p. 213.]

With the fall of Devgad and Gadha-Mandla the fate of Chandrapur was sealed. It was Kanhoji Bhosle who had led incursions into Gondavana, Berar and Katak. Kanhoji could not bring Chandrapur under his control. The then ruler of Chandrapur Ram Shah repulsed Kanhoji's attack. Later, Raghuji finding Ram Shah of saintly disposition returned peacefully from his Chanda invasion without molesting the country in any way.

Nilkantha Shah (1735-51), successor of Ram Shah was defeated by Raghuji and forced to enter into a treaty by which, Raghuji secured from the total revenue of Chanda a share under different heads as follows (1749 A.D.):

The city of Chandrapur together with the fort, and the ancient fort of Wairagad fell into Raghuji's hands. Kasabe Ballalpur (Ballarshah) was left for Nilkantha. [ Unpublished account of the Bhosles, in the possession of Shrimant Raja Balasaheb Chitnavis, Nagpur.] In 1751 Nilkantha Shah's attempt to recapture Chanda fort was foiled by Raghuji and he made a prisoner. Thereafter Chandrapur kings became political pensioners of the Bhosles of Nagpur.

Around 1740 Raghuji shifted his capital from Bham in Berar to Nagpur in the Zadi Mandal. This new capital was well suited for the governance of Gondavana-Devgad, Gadha-Mandla and Chandrapur and also afforded an excellent base for his protracted raids on Bengal from 1741 to 1751 A.D

The Berar territory which was under the charge of Raghuji, the Sena-saheb-subha, had assignments granted to a number of noblemen. For instance the Peshvas enjoyed mokasa rights in thirty villages of Vidarbha and Khanderav Kashi, the Nyayadhish had mokasas in six and a half paraganas of Mehakar. The Chhatrapati too had his private (crown)-land in the Washim paragana. [KVI. pp. 185-87.] Above all, the Nizam after his victory at Sakarkherda always tried to assert his right as subhedar over Vidarbha. From first to last he exploited the differences between the Peshvas and Bhosles to his own vantage. He preferred the weaker Bhosles to the stronger Peshvas as his friends, and, on suitable occasions for his own interest, did not fail to play fast and loose with the Bhosles.

Thus, the chief powers whose interests were involved in Berar were the Bhosles, the Peshvas and the Nizam. With a view to avoiding this arena of complicated rights in Berar, Raghuji, it seems, selected Nagpur as the seat of his newly acquired territory Gondavana, and concentrated his attention on Orissa and Bengal further east.

Raghuji's Karnatak Expedition.

Before shifting his capital from Bham to Nagpur Raghuji was required to undertake an expedition to Karnatak at the order of Chhatrapati . Shahu. It was mainly intended to punish Chanda Saheb who had usurped the kingdom of Trichinopoly by deceiving its Rani Minakshi, and was casting his greedy eyes on the Maratha principality of Tanjore. Raja Pratapsinh of Tanjore, Shahu's cousin, appealed to him for help when harassed by Chanda Saheb.

Actually after the death of Emperor Aurangzeb the political condition of Karnatak was in a mess. The various nababs and rebellious palegars were trying to extend their states at the cost of their neighbours. The stronger nababdoms were those of Arcot, Sira, Kadappa, Karnool and Savanur. Mysore too was a powerful Kingdom. Aurangzeb in his territorial reshuffling had divided Karnatak into the subhas of Bijapur and Hyderabad.

The sanad of Chauthai granted to Shahu by Emperor Muhammad Shah included Bijapur and Hyderabad in addition to the four other subhas of the Deccan. The tributary States which were subject to the levy of Chauthai by the Maratha Prince Shahu, mentioned in the sanad were Tanjore, Trichinopoly and Mysore. The Nizam-ul-mulk as the subhedar of the six subhas of the Deccan claimed that all those territories belonged to his jurisdiction. In order to establish the Maratha claim over Karnatak Peshva Bajirav I had been to the south in 1726 and 1727. He had successfully concluded his Karnatak campaigns.

When Pratapsinh of Tanjore, Shahu's cousin, appealed to him for help against Chanda Saheb, Shahu dispatched a large force under Raghuji Bhosle and Fatesinh Bhosle of Akkalkot in 1739. They were to punish Chanda Saheb, protect Pratapsinh and collect Chauthai [ A History of the Marathas, Vol. I (1912) by James Grant Duff, p. 368.].

Dost Ali, the father-in-law of Chanda Saheb was the ruling nabab at Arcot and Chanda Saheb had grown into importance at his court by his ability. He had trained his troops with the help of the French and had an artillery corps. The French governor at Pondicherry was his friend.

In 1740 the Maratha forces came down upon Arcot. The nabab Dost Ali tried to stop them in the pass of Damalcherry. When Maratha attempts to settle the matters by negotiations proved futile, they attacked the nabab. In the stiff war that followed, Dost Ali, one of his sons Hasan Ali, and a number of prominent persons lost their lives. This initial success at once enhanced Maratha prestige in the south. From Damalcherry the Marathas proceeded to Arcot. It surrendered to them without much resistance. At this time the late nabab's son Safdar Ali had taken shelter in the fort of Vellore, and Chanda Saheb was watching the events entrenched at Trichinopolly. Before the fall of Arcot zanana and treasure of the nabab was sent to Pondicherry for safety. Dumas, the governor of Pondicherry, hesitated at first to protect the zanana and wealth fearing Maratha attack on the French stronghold, but finally gave them refuge. The Marathas, who had learnt about the vast wealth of the nabab, were much disappointed to find it in French custody. Raghuji at once wrote to Dumas threatening him with grave consequences if he failed to surrender the zanana and treasure of the nabab. Dumas firmly replied in the negative mentioning that the only authority whose orders he obeyed was the King of France. He at the same time, sent a few bottles of fine French Champagne as present to Raghuji. Raghuji's wife is said to have been pleased so much by this French gift that she asked for more. When this Champagne affair reached Shahu's ears he is said to have remarked that a Kingdom was bartered for a bottle of wine. Raghuji and his wife might have liked the French drink, but it is difficult to believe that he abstained from attacking Pondicherry just for a few French wine bottles. The fact seems to be that Raghuji had full knowledge of the well-equipped French stronghold of Pondy. It was not an easy affair for the Marathas to take Pondy. Moreover in the extreme hour of calamity the French could easily escape into the sea with the women and wealth of their protege, unscratched. The Marathas had no navy at this time to impede the French escape. In this situation an attack on the French would have ended in a shameful retreat lowering all the prestige the Marathas had gained so far. Calculating all this Raghuji wisely preferred a hollow threat to a dishonourable and futile attack on the French.

Chanda Saheb was very much alarmed at the fall of Arcot. Safdar Ali, his brother-in-law one of the sons of the late nabab sought Raghuji's support to crush Chanda Saheb who was aspiring for nababship after the death of Dost Ali. A secret agreement was signed by the two parties on 16th November 1740, by which Raghuji was to bet one crore of rupees on reducing Trichinopoly and making Chanda Saheb a prisoner. Chanda Saheb sought help from Dumas. Raghuji was joined by the Hindu palegars and Pratapsinh of Tanjore. With this large force Raghuji invested Trichinopoly in December 1740. Chanda Saheb, besieged at Trichinopoly asked his brother who was at Madura to come speedily for help. The Marathas, who got scent of this aid, attacked Bada Saheb (Chanda Saheb's brother) and killed him. Unable to resist, Chanda Saheb delivered the fort to Raghuji on 14th March 1741, on the auspicious day of Ramanavami. Chanda Saheb and his son were taken prisoner and sent to Nagpur. In 1744 these royal prisoners were released by Raghuji on receiving a handsome ransom of Rs. 7.25 lacs from the bankers of Satara. Nothing is known about the place where these prisoners were kept in confinement. Raghuji duly merited the attention of the Chhatrapati by his distinguished service in the Karnatak campaign. The Chhatrapati soon conferred upon him the mokasa of Berar and Gondavana up to the frontiers of Katak. The Karnatak campaign placed Raghuji among the first-rate noblemen at the court of Shahu. [ SNHM. Vol. II. pp. 251-57.]

Raghuji's Bengal raids, 1741-51.

After returning from Karnatak, Raghuji undertook his expeditions on Bengal. The net result of these campaigns is well seen in the treaty concluded between Alivardi, the nabab of Bengal, and Raghuji in 1751:-

(1) Mir Habib was to be confirmed in the Government of Orissa as the deputy subhedar of Murshidabad.

(2) The nabab was to pay annually Rs. 12 lacs to the Bhosles in lieu of the chauthai of Bengal and Bihar.

(3) So long as this amount (Rs. 12 lacs) was regularly paid, the Bhosles were not to harass the provinces of Bengal and Bihar.

(4) The district of Katak i.e., the territory up to the river Suvarna-rekha was to be considered as the possession of the Bhosles. [OUM. pp. 16, 17.]

Raghuji was able to annex Orissa to his Raj permanently as he successfully exploited the chaotic conditions prevailing in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa after the death of their able Governor Murshid Quli Khan in 1727. [ SNHM. Vol. II, pp. 209, 224.]

The details of Raghuji's Bengal raids form part of the History of Nagpur and Wardha as the whole region up to the river Wardha was included in one subha. At the time of Bhosle Raghuji III (1818-53) his entire Raj was divided into five subhas: (1) Devgad above the Ghats; (2) Devgad below the Ghats, which included Nagpur and the surround ing region i.e.. the region between the rivers Wardha and Wainganga; (3) region between Nagpur and Chhattisgad; (4) Chandrapur together with the forest area and (5) Orissa. [ KNPI, p. 495.]

Of these subhas, Devgad below the Ghats i.e., the region between the rivers Wardha and Wainganga, included the present districts of Wardha and Nagpur. More or less this very arrangement existed at the time of Raghuji's raids on Bengal. Only the east subha, Orissa came to be formed sometime after 1751, when it was annexed to the Raj of the Bhosles.

Sarkar Pavanar of the Berar subha mentioned in the Ain-i-Akabari, included the whole of the present Wardha district and some part of Nagpur. This arrangement was obviously changed by the Bhosles when they divided their territorial possessions into five bigger units as stated above.

In 1727 Murshid Quli Khan, the Governor of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa died. His successor Sarfaraz Khan was killed by an ambitious Turk in his service in 1740, and the nababship thus went to the usurper known as Aliwardi Khan. This most unworthy act of Alivardi was detested by one Mir Habib, a loyal servant of the late nabab. Mir Habib, who had risen to the position of deputy nababship by the dint of his merit, resolved to overthrow his new treacherous master and for the accomplishment of his object sought Raghuji's aid. This was a Godsent opportunity for Raghuji, who was eager to expand his kingdom into subhe Katak, Patna and Makasudabad (Bengal). From 1741 to 1748 Raghuji dispatched in all six expeditions to these regions popularly known as Bengal expeditions. The first one of 1741, as also the third of 1744, were led by Raghuji's valiant general Bhaskar Ram Kolhatkar. The second of 1742 and the fourth of 1745 were led by Raghuji himself. The fifth in 1747 and the sixth in 1748 were undertaken by Janoji and Sabaji, respectively. Constantly harassed by the Bhosles, Orissa or Katak, Bengal and parts of Bihar were economically ruined. As already observed Alivardi Khan made peace with Raghuji in 1751 ceding in perpetuity Katak up to the river Suvarnarekha, and agreeing to pay Rs. 12 lacs annually in lieu of the chauthai of Bengal and Bihar.

The smaller States of Raipur, Ratanpur, Bilaspur and Sambalpur belonging to Chhattisgad territory were conquered by Bhaskar Ram, and were placed in charge of Mohansingh, an illegitimate son of Raghuji.

Looking to the geo-political condition of the day the suhha of Katak in the hands of the Bhosles was of strategic importance as it stretched between the English possessions of Bengal to the north and Madras to the south. The successors of Raghuji, however, could not utilise this situation to their own advantage as they wasted their time and energy in fratricidal wars and quarrels with the Peshva. When Mudhoji Bhosle was ruling in Nagpur, Nana Phadnis proposed a Quadruple Alliance to oust the English from India. In this alliance the Bhosles were to attack the English possessions in Bengal as they had not paid the dues of chauthai from Bengal and Bihar for a long time. This plan could not be executed as Mudhoji gave it a lukewarm support.

Towards the end of his career Raghuji was the master of the whole of Berar; the Gond kingdoms of Devgad including Nagpur, Gadha-Mandla and Chandrapur; the subha of Katak; and the smaller States spreading between Nagpur and Katak. Very few Maratha noblemen had such a vast territory under them.

Since the victory of the Nizam at Sakarkherda, Berar was subject to the dual administration of the Nizam and the Bhosles. In the contemporary language it was doamli region. Both the Nizam and the Bhosles had their officers, but the stronger Bhosles made actual collections of chauthai 25 per cent, sardeshmukhi 10 per cent, and ghasadana charge for feeding the cavalry-5 per cent. Thus, out of the total collection of 100, 40 were of the Bhosles and the remaining 60 was to be paid to the Nizam as the subhedar of the Deccan. In course of time as the Bhosles became still stronger they reversed the percentage, taking 60 for themselves and leaving 40 for the Nizam. This arrangement regarding the division of the revenue of Berar between the Nizam and the Bhosles took place during the sena-saheb-subhaship of Janoji. What arrangement existed at the time of Raghuji I cannot be ascertained, though by the sanad of Berar granted to him by Chhatrapati Shahu it seems that he collected 25 per cent as chauthai and 10 per cent as sardeshmukhi.

The strategic forts of Gavilgad, Naranala and Manikdurg (near Mahur) together with the territory attached to them for their maintenance were held by Raghuji.

An Estimate of Raghuji.

The vast territory which Raghuji conquered bears testimony to his ability as a general. Raghuji might have lost a few battles here and there but always won the wars. In diplomacy according to the standards of the day he could be easily compared with the first-rate men at the court of Shahu. But like many a Maratha nobleman of his time he could not rise above parochial interest. Throughout the eighteenth century the Maratha Country could not bring up a single leader of Shivaji's genius who could transform his svarajya into a true samrajya. In the light of this situation it is futile to expect from Raghuji what was wanting in the Maratha nobility. With his winged cavalry he could easily traverse the ground from Bham in Berar to Balasore in Katak, and from Pondy on the east coast to Nagpur in the Zadimandal.

By his mounting successes he won the confidence of his liege lord Shahu and on critical occasions was consulted by him. Raghuji was summoned to Satara by Shahu when he was on his death-bed, to discuss the matter of succession to the Chhatrapati's gadi as Raghuji was related to Shahu through his wife.

As a true leader of men, he enjoyed the confidence of the rank and file. He had capable and trusted generals like Bhaskar Ram, Raghuji Karande, Tulojipant, Naroji Jachaka, Rakhamaji Ganesh, Krishnaji Atole and others, belonging to different castes.

Relations between Raghuji and the Peshvas were not very happy. The rivalry between them goes back to the days of Peshva Bajirav I. After securing one third territory of Bundelkhand from Chhatrasal Bundela for defeating Bangash, Bajirav looked upon the neighbouring Gondi territory of Gadha-Mandla as his sphere of influence. Though Raghuji was the first to exact tribute from Gadha-Mandla, Bajirav forcibly took it in his possession. [KNPI. p. 25.] When Bajirav was engaged in a fight with the Nizam at Bhopal he appealed to Raghuji for help, but to no purpose. In the agreement between Shahu and Raghuji when Sena-saheb-subhaship was conferred upon him, it was stated that he would accompany the Peshva to any place he might be asked to [James Grant Duff. A History of the Marathas Vol. I., 1912 p. 424.]. But all such agreements remained on paper in the absence of a strong central authority to execute them. Neither Bajirav nor his son Balaji could command the services of the Bhosles of Nagpur. The Peshvas as Prime Ministers and the Bhosles as sardars enjoying saranjams were for all practical purposes on a par with each other. In fact the Bhosles never considered themselves as subordinate in status to the Peshvas. They considered themselves to be directly responsible to the Chhatrapati. So long as Shahu was alive, he acted as an umpire patching up the differences bet wen warring noblemen. But after him his successors could not play this role as they were all mere figureheads of the state. Lack of strong central authority and want of a leader of Shivaji's imagination left the Maratha Confederacy a mere conglomerate of quarrelling nobles without a common objective to cement them.

However, to the credit of Raghuji it must be mentioned that he wisely avoided an open clash with Bajirav I, knowing well his generalship and the influence he wielded over the Chhatrapati.

The differences between Raghuji and Balaji Peshva over the eastern sphere (Bengal, Allahabad and Gadha-Mandla) are historic. But they were patched up by Shahu's timely mediation. In the contest for Peshvaship between Balaji and Babuji Naik, Raghuji supported the latter. However, after Shahu's death Raghuji respected Balaji's authority knowing well that he was the ablest man among the contemporary Marathas to occupy Peshvaship. He knew when to compromise and when to oppose or accept a challenge. He rarely allowed matters to reach a breaking point. On one occasion he wrote to Nanasaheb Peshva " The Late Shrimant Bajirav was kind to me. But differences arose between us when we had a clash with Avaji Kavade, who had entered Berar. All these differences should now be forgotten and I should be treated as your man. " [ Peshwa Daftar Vol. 20. p. 30.] Balaji Bajirav Peshva too, on hearing the sad news of Raghuji's death, wrote in his condolatory letter, " Raghuji was a respectable nobleman. His death is indeed a matter of great regret. One has to bow before God's will. Of later Raghuji was of great help to us. " [ Peshwa Dafiar, Vol. 20., p. 68.]

Raghuji was a self-made man. He rose from shiledarship to Sena-saheb-subhaship by his hardwork and wisdom. He disliked the Peshva's interference in the sphere allotted to him by Shahu. He was justified in lodging a complaint against the Peshva to Shahu as the Prime Minister had grievances against the Bhosles. The defect as already noted lay in the weakness of the central authority.

Raghuji was mainly responsible for the prosperity of Berar. He brought with him a number of Maratha and Brahmin families from Western Maharashtra who infused new order and life into Berar which had lost its individuality during the political domination of Islam for the past of four hundred years. A number of cultivators' families were settled all over Berar and Nagpur.

Like the Hindus of the day Raghuji was pious and God-fearing. He was a devotee of Rama and installed the idol of Rama at Ramtek near Nagpur reviving the importance of this place of ancient fame. The idol of Rama is said to have been presented to him by a Sadhu when he was on his Karnatak expedition. Raghuji won his victory over Chanda Saheb of Arcot on the auspicious day of Rama-navami, the ninth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Chaitra, that being the birth day of Lord Rama. In honour of his favourite God, Raghuji couched his State seal in dignified Sanskrit which reads, " this seal of Raghava, son of Bimba, whose bee-like heart serves at the lotus-like feet of King Shahu shines splendidly (governs) ". [ Peshwa Dafiar, Vol. 20.]

The Jari-Pataka and the saffron-coloured flag were adopted as the emblems of the state by Raghuji on the permission of Chhatrapati Shahu. This great general and the founder of Maratha rule in Berar breathed his last on 14th February 1755. [ KNPI, p. 103.]

Janoji Bhosle. 1755-1772

Raghuji had four sons, Mudhoji and Bimbaji from the elder wife, and Janoji and Sabaji from the younger. Mudhoji claimed for himself the ancestral title of Sena-saheb-subhaship on the ground that he was the first son of the eldest wife, though junior in age to Janoji. Janoji being the eldest son had a better right over the title in accordance with the law of primogeniture. The dispute was finally settled by the Peshwa when Janoji was made the Sena-saheb-subha, and for Mudhoji the title of Senadhurandhar was invented. Janoji was to reside at Nagpur and govern Berar. Mudhoji was to be in charge of Chandrapur, Chhattisgad territory was assigned to Bimbaji and Sabaji was given the charge of Darva. [ KNPI, pp. 115-18.]

The enmity between Janoji and Mudhoji often resulted in armed clashes creating factions among the courtiers. This naturally sapped the power of the Bhosle house of Nagpur. The two brothers were reconciled to each other when Janoji who had no son decided to adopt one of the sons of Mudhoji as his successor to Sena-saheb-subhaship.

Janoji and Peshwa Balaji Bajirav.

Janoji and the Peshva were often at cross roads. Janoji was very irregular in paying the dues to the central treasury, and other moneys which he had agreed to pay to the Peshva.

Janoji Bhosle.

In the Battle of Udgir Janoji and Mudhoji went to help Bhau when the war was practically over. They were not with the Bhau when he was engaged in the life and death struggle with Ahmed Shah Abdali in the Third Battle of Panipat. However, they accompanied Nanasaheb Peshva when he hastened to help Bhau before getting the news of the final rout of the Marathas on the battle field of Panipat. The two brothers saved the retreating Marathas from being looted on their homeward journey.

In the Madhavrav-Raghunathrav dispute Janoji joined the latter. The Nizam, who never lost a single opportunity of fishing in the troubled waters of Pune politics, sided with Raghunathrav.

In the Nizam-Maratha conflict of 1763, Janoji joined the Nizam, and their combined forces fell upon Pune. The city was burnt, the famous shrine of Parvati together with a number of temples was desecrated and the idols broken. Raghuji Karande, the general of Janoji, laid waste the country around Sinhagad and Purandar. He looted the Peshva's jewellery at Sasvad and set fire to the important State Records which were lodged there for safety. [KNPI, p. 150.] As a retaliatory measure Raghunathrav sacked the Berar territory. Mahadaji Shinde was ordered to lay waste Berar and he proceeded from Ujjain.

In the Battle of Rakshasabhuvan fought on 10th August 1763, Malhar-rav Holkar and others were finally successful in persuading Janoji to give up the cause of the Nizam through his counsellors Divakarpant Chorghade and Bhavani Munshi. For this friendship Janoji was offered territory worth Rs. 31 lacs and confirmed in Sena-saheb-subhaship.

Janoji espoused the cause of Raghunath in his dispute with Madhavrav. In the Nizam's attack on Pune he took active part, burning the city and allowing the Nizam in desecrating temples and breaking idols. Madhavrav was not prepared to forget this. After the Battle of Rakshasabhuvan the Nizam requested the Peshva for help against Janoji, as Janoji's men attacked an officer of the Nizam in the doamli area of Berar. This was a welcome opportunity for Madhavrav to punish faithless Janoji. [ KNPI. p. 159-60.] The combined armies of the Peshva and the Nizam started looting Berar. Janoji and Mudhoji first took shelter in the fort of Amner and later in that of Chandrapur. Madhavrav had no desire to continue the war for long, and Janoji knew how difficult it was to continue the fight against heavy odds. He, therefore, sued for peace through the Peshva's envoy Vyankat Moreshvar. The treaty was finalised at Kolhapur, near Daryapur in 1766. According to this treaty it was decided that Janoji should retain territory just Rs. 8 lacs worth out of the total Rs. 31 lacs, which he had received from the Peshva for winning his friendship in the Peshva-Nizam war at Rakshasabhuvan. Of the remaining 23 lacs, the Nizam was to get 15 lacs and rest Rs. 8 lacs was to be retained by the Peshva. [ KNPI, p. 165.]

Both Janoji and Madhavrav were aware that their differences helped the Nizam in strengthening his position. But this was the inevitable situation in which the Maratha Confederacy had landed from which it could never extricate itself. Men of equal status cannot run State affairs successfully. The State for its governance needs a single absolute authority. It is significant to note Janoji's feelings on this occasion conveyed to the Peshva through the latters' agent; Shrimant being angry with me invaded Berar. I am not guilty of burning Pune. When the Nizam indulged in this wicked act I did not support him. I, however, admit that I did not help in the campaign against Haidar Nayak. To err is human. But the punishment meted out to me by depriving me of territory worth Rs. 30 lacs is too heavy. That territory has now been offered to the Nizam. Should the serpent be fed with milk? Should I be ordered to attack the Nizam, I would destroy him in no time.... I shall proceed by rapid marches to meet your Honour, I should not be let down. " This expression, unfortunately, turned out to be just temporary. [ KNPI. p. 163.] Janoji was not repentant for his acts. Within a couple of years from the treaty of Daryapur, he joined Raghunathrav in his struggle for Peshwaship with his nephew Madhavrav.

When Janoji sided with Raghunath, Madhavrav resolved to teach him a lesson. With a view to taking vengeance on Janoji for his friendship with Raghunath, Madhavrav sought Nizam's help. Janoji's envoy Divakarpant who had been to Pune for negotiations was arrested. Madhavrav marched on Berar occupying the territory up to the river Wardha. Janoji sent his relatives and jewellery into the Gavilgad fort for safety. The Peshwa with his ally, instead of chasing Janoji, took the fort of Amner and made good for Nagpur. Nagpur was sacked and burnt. The loot of Pune was revenged by the sack of Nagpur. As both the parties Janoji and Madhavrav had no stomach for a prolonged war, a treaty was formed on 23rd March 1769 at Kanakapur near Brahmeshvar on the banks of Godavari. It is worth while studying the terms of the treaty as they reveal Peshva-Bhosla and Bhosla-Nizam relations.

Terms of the Treaty of Kanakapur:-

(1) Janoji was granted a jagir of Rs. 32 lacs in 1763, out of which he was allowed to have only 8 lacs in 1766. Janoji should now relinquish it in favour of the Peshwa.

(2) The Bhosles of Akkalkot had some lands and rights in Berar, which were seized by Janoji. Janoji should free them and, in lieu, should have Balapur pargana.

(3) The Bhosles used to collect ghasadana from a part of Auran-gabad subha belonging to the Peshwa. They should stop this practice forthwith. The Bhosles likewise should stop collecting ghasadana either from other subhas or from the territory of the Nizam by dispatching armies. The Bhosles would get their dues from the talukas held by the Peshwas from their officers, and instructions have been issued to that effect to the officers concerned. The Bhosles likewise would get their dues from the Nizam, and were free to collect them, themselves, if the Nizam's officers failed to say them.

(4) The Bhosles should serve the Peshwas with their army when called upon to do so.

(5) The Bhosles should neither reduce nor increase the strength of their army without the permission of the Peshwas.

(6) The Bhosles should not shelter rebels and trouble mongers escaping from the Peshwa's raj.

(7) The Bhosles should not enter into any kind of political negotiations either with the Emperor of Delhi, or the Nabab of Oundh, or the Rohillas, or the English, or the Nizam without the consent of the Peshwas.

(8) The Bhosles should pay an annual tribute of Rs.5 lacs to the Peshvas in five instalments.

(9) The Peshwas army while passing into Hindustan (north) shall not break new routes but pass by the old ones.

(10) The Peshwas should not interfere with the internal affairs of the Bhosles so long as Janoji was looking after his relations properly.

(11) Reva Mukundpur, Mahoba, Charthane, Jintur, Sakarkherda and Mehakar should be given back to the Peshva by Janoji.

(12) Washim-made cloth worth Rs. 2,000 and of Balapur worth Rs. 3,000 of the best quality should be sent to the Peshwa annually.

(13) The English from Calcutta harass the Bhosle's territory in Orissa. If the Bhosles march on the English, they should do so with the permission of the Peshvas, and only if they do not need their (Bhosles') army.

(14) In the event of any invasion of the Bhosles, the Peshvas should dispatch their army for help. [ Nagpurkar Bhosle Kagada Pair; Lekhankas 19 and 28.] Madhavrav and Janoji met at Mehakar, when parties and presents were exchanged. The Nizam's divan Rukna-ud-daula was present at this meeting. [ KNPI. p. 184.]

Looking to these terms of the treaty one finds how Peshva Madhavrav I was struggling hard to bring central control in the Maratha nobility. The need for such control was keenly felt in the post-Panipat period. Very soon the Marathas had to face the new challenge of the British. But in the absence of a single strong central authority they fell a victim to the rising British power piecemeal.

In the struggle between the Bhosles of Berar and the Peshvas for territory and status there does not seem to be any constitutional ruling with reference to which their disputes could be settled. The stronger Peshvas tried to assert their authority as Prime Ministers. The Bhosles always considered that they were not subordinate to the Peshvas. In the interest of the Maratha power it was necessary that either of them assumed absolute central control, particularly after the death of Chhatrapati Shahu. No one could do this. What is true of Peshva-Bhosle struggle is true of any two Maratha noblemen fighting for territory and power.

After the Treaty of Kanakapur, Janoji and Madhavrav were reconciled to each other. Janoji travelled to Theur to see the Peshva on his death-bed and secured from him sanction for the adoption of Raghuji II, son of Mudhoji as Janoji had no son. After leaving Theur, Janoji visited Pandharpur and Tulajapur. On this way home he died at Yeral (Naldurg) on 16th May 1772. Mudhoji erected a small monument there in honour of Janoji and secured land from the Peshva for its maintenance. [KNPI. p. 187.]

Mudhoji Bhosle 1772-1788.

Following Janoji's death, the Bhosle house was caught in a family feud of the worst kind. Daryabai the widow of Janoji espoused the cause of Sabaji, younger brother of her husband, who was aspiring for Sena-saheb-subhaship. She declared that she was pregnant and would give birth to a boy posthumously. As Mudhoji Bhosle sided with Raghunathrav, Madhavrav Peshva bestowed Sena-saheb-subhaship on Sabaji. After Madhavrav's death Sabaji joined Narayanrav's party and when Narayanrav was murdered, he openly supported the Bara-bhais against Raghunathrav. Thus political parties at the centre had their repercussions on the outlying stations.

Mudhoji Bhosle.

Mudhoji was finally able to pull himself out of this situation, when he killed Sabaji in the Battle of Panchgaon near Nagpur on 26th January 1775. Muhammad Yusuf Gardi, one of the chief assassinators of Narayanrav was present in this battle on behalf of Mudhoji. Mudhoji had probably a hand in this plot hatched against Narayanrav.

After his success at Panchgaon, Mudhoji ruled as the unchallenged master of Berar and Nagpur. He was already in charge of Chandrapur as the Senadhurandhar.

In this family feud when the Nizam was defeated by the combined armies of Raghunathrav Dada and Mudhoji, he entered into a treaty with Mudhoji near Bidar known as the treaty of Sixty-Forty. [ KNPI, pp. 201-2. The treaty is referred to in the work, Nagpurkar Bhosalyanchi Bakhar. Original treaty is missing.] The original of this most important treaty between the Bhosles and the Nizam regarding the Berar subha is not available.

The Quadruple Alliance formed by Nana Phadnavis between the Pune Darbar, the Nizam, Haidar Ah and Mudhoji, with a view to launching a simultaneous attack on the English could not be carried to its successful completion because of the half-hearted co-operation of Mudhoji Bhosle. However, he offered Nana his active support in the war against Tipu Sultan at Badami, in 1785. After a very active and stormy political career of over two decades, Mudhoji died at Nagpur on 19th May 1788. [ KNPI, pp. 213-14.]

Bhosle Raghuji II.

Peshva Madhavrav I had agreed to grant Sena-saheb-subhaship to Raghuji II, when Janoji met him at Theur. But owing to the differences that arose subsequently, the title was given to Sabaji. In 1775 when both Madhavrav and Sabaji were no more, Savai Madhavrav, on the advice of Nana Phadnavis, conferred Sena-saheb-subhaship on Raghuji, in the changed political situation. After Mudhoji's death Raghuji assumed power of the Bhosle raj.

The Peshva-Bhosle relations were most friendly during the rule of Raghuji, unlike before. On critical occasions Nana Phadnavis consulted Raghuji and depended upon his help. Raghuji respected Nana's authority and got redressed all wrongs in respect of territory and rights, which the Bhosles considered were done to them since the days of Peshva Bajirav I.

In the Battle of Kharda Raghuji joined the Pune army at Ahmednagar. Raghuji's army was under the command of his noted general Vitthal Ballal Paranjpe-Subhedar. He distinguished himself in this war by his personal bravery and command. His valour has been described in the historic ballad on the Battle of Kharda. The couplet describing his valour runs, [ KNI, p. 197.]

" Vitthal Pandit of the Bhosles looked a Pathan's scion;

Moving on the battle-field fearlessly like a true lion."

He was duly honoured by Nana Phadnavis. Raghuji received territory worth three lacs and a half from the Nizam for the ghasadana of the Gangathadi region. The Nizam also agreed to pay Raghuji arrears which had accumulated to Rs. 29 lacs. [ KNPI, p. 301.] The term regarding the collection of revenue in Berar by the Bhosles and the Nizam is very important. It states that the Sena-saheb-subha and the Nabob (Nizam) have already agreed to receive from Prant Berar revenue in the proportion of half to half. This is actually in force. In the Payaghqat Sarkar, the Sena-saheb-subha is collecting chaharam (chauthai or one fourth), Saradeshmukhi and ghasadana working to half of the total collection. Sarkar Pathri etc., in all five of Sarkar Balaghat for chauthai, saradeshmukhi of Svaraj, and ghasadana belong to the Sena-saheb-subha. Therefore the treaty regarding Payaghat with the Sena-saheb subha should be regarded as of the Svaraj. Half to half proportion of ghasadana of Balaghat, subha Berar, should be the permanent arrangemnent, so that the bone of contention would be removed and both the Governments (Marathas and the Nizam) would remain friendly. Though the last part of this term is not very clear, the treaty taken as a whole means that in the doamli region (Berar-Payaghat and Balaghat including Pathri) the revenue between the Bhosles and the Nizam should be divided in half to half proportion. After Kharda, therefore, the new treaty of Fifty-Fifty superseded the old one Sixty-Forty between the Bhosles and the Nizam. This was considered necessary for maintaining better relations between the two Governments. [Aitihasika Patravyavahara, by G. S. Sardesai, K. P. Kulkarni, Y. M. Kale, 1933, p. 290.]

New sanads for the territory south of the Narmada were granted by the Peshva to Raghuji. Actually sanads for this region were granted to the Bhosles as early as in the days of Nanasaheb Peshva, but the officers of the latter never gave up possession in favour of the Bhosles. Now Raghuji secured Hushangabad, Chauragad, Bachai etc., for the first time. Raghuji remained friendly with Nana Phadnavis even after the tragic death of Savai Madhavrav. In due appreciation of this Nana gave Raghuji Rs. 15 lacs in cash and the possession of Gadha-Mandla coveted by the Bhosles since the days of Raghuji I.

The Raja of Sagar gave Raghuji a part of his territory for his help against Amir Khan. Similarly, the fort of Dhamori came into Raghuji's hands. From the Nabab of Bhopal he got Hushangabad. Thus, Raghuji's kingdom was at the height of its glory in extent and power in 1800 A.D. Towards the close of the eighteenth century it was perhaps the largest State which any Maratha potentate had under him.

The territory under Raghuji together with the revenue, it yielded was as under [ KNPI. pp. 301-02.]:-

The figures indicate how the income from the Berar subha and Gavilgad, and Narnala was substantial. The item of Berar income (No. 7) states ' half the revenue of Berar,' which means that the rest half went to the Nizam according to the Fifty-Fifty Treaty referred to above.

The glory of the Bhosle house which had reached its zenith under Raghuji II was destined to be short-lived. Like other Indian potentates Raghuji had to face the growing power of the British, superior in respect of diplomacy, armament and civilization. The inevitable result was that he was defeated in the final bid for power.

Shortly after Kharda, Lord Wellesley came to India as the Governor-General in 1798. It was his objective to bring the Indian States under 'Subordinate Isolation' by his new political weapon known in history as, " System of subsidiary alliances." Mysore was the first of the Indian States to be forced to accept such an alliance. The Nizam was the next to enter into this alliance for his survival. Peshva Bajirav II harassed by Yeshvantrav Holkar and Daulatrav Shinde preferred to enter the subsidiary alliance trap laid by the British. In the midst of such adverse circumstances it was not easy for Raghuji II to maintain his independence. As early as 1799 Mr. Colebrooke was sent to Nagpur to persuade Raghuji to enter into a subsidiary alliance with British. Knowing his weakness Raghuji kept out of it for some time. When pressed further the choice before him was to submit meekly or to fight. He preferred the latter course and sought help of Daulatrav Shinde who was being forced by the English to form a subsidiary alliance with them. Col. Wellesley who was sent to negotiate with the two chiefs tried to keep them apart. When he found that his mission was not likely to be successful, he left the Shinde's camp. On 7th August 1803, General Wellesley declared war against the Bhosles and the Shindes, asking the general populace to keep out of this struggle.

The English launched an attack on the fort of Ahmednagar which was well equipped with munition and supplies. On the eleventh hour Shinde's European officers who were seduced went over to the English. Finding his position untenable the keeper of the fort handed it over to the British, on 12th August 1803. The combined armies of the Shindes and the Bhosles offered a stiff resistance near Jalanapur, but in the final war that took place at Assai on 24th September, lost the day. The loss on the English side was very heavy. The Maratha forces were very much depressed by their defeat. On 6th November Shinde's agent Yeshvantrav Ghorpade came into Wellesley's camp to arrange for the terms of peace. [ SNHM. Vol. III. pp. 410-411.]

The Bhosle were now singled out. Their stronghold of Gavilgad was attacked by Stevenson. The Shindes in the meanwhile sent their help to the Bhosles violating the recent truce. On the 29th Stevenson and Wellesley saw the Maratha forces camping at Adgaon a few miles north of Balapur. Though it was late in the afternoon they at once attacked the Marathas. The Marathas who were on the defensive aimed their guns on the English playing havoc in their rank and file. The English forces were put to flight, but their general gathered them again and attacked the Bhosles. With all the advantage of initial success the Bhosles lost the field in the final action. It may be observed here that Raghuji was in favour of resorting to guerilla war tactics in this fight. Had this been adopted the English would have been worn out in the prolonged war, creating better prospects of success for the Marathas. The English were undoubtedly superior to any native power including the Bhosles, in respect of trained infantry then popularly known as Kavaiti fauj and guns. But these new means of warfare had their own limitations, and for a well trained Maratha-general it was yet possible to wage wars with guerilla tactics having good chances of success. Raghuji was aware of this but lacked grit and leadership. The gospel of the gun prevailed.

Thus the Battle of Adgaon sealed the fate of the Bhosles of Berar, on 29 November 1803.

On 17 December Raghuji Bhosle signed a treaty at Devagaon near Ellichpur with the English.

The terms of the treaty were:-

1. The Bhosles should surrender all the territory to the west of the river Wardha and also the provinces of Katak and Balasore. The Bhosles were to retain for themselves the forts of Gavilgad and Narnala, and the territory attached to these forts worth Rs. 4 lacs; i. e., the paraganas of Akot, Adgaon, Badnera, Bhatkuli and Khatakali. [ SNHM. Vol. III p. 412.]

(2) Any dispute arising between the Nizam, the Peshva and the Bhosle should be  settled through the mediation of the English.

(3) The Bhosles should not have any relations with any of the Europeans or the Americans except the English. The English too should not have any relations either with the enemies or the relatives of the Bhosles.

(4) The Bhosles should have no relations with any member of the Maratha Confederacy.

5. Both the parties should have the envoy of the other at their courts.

6. The Bhosles should give their consent to the treaties entered into by the English with the feudatories of the Bhosles lying between Chhattisgad and Orissa. [KNPI. p. 344.]

Berar which was the foundation of the Bhosle raj was lost for ever. The doamli raj of the Bhosles over Berar came to an end; it became ekamli being granted to the Nizam, friend and protege of the British.

In this war the English successfully kept Yeshvantrav Holkar out. Daulatrav Shinde signed a separate treaty with the English at Surji-Anjangaon on 30 December 1803.

The English became the masters of the coastal strip from Calcutta to Madras. Mount Stuart Elphinstone arrived in Nagpur as the British Resident. Smarting under the defeat he had suffered at the hands of the British, Raghuji tried to reorganise his army and keep contact with Yeshvantrav Holkar who was waging a running war with the British. But all his efforts fizzled out on account of the watchful Resident. [ KNPI. pp. 361-2.]

The Pendhari Raids.

With the fall of the Shindes and the Holkars the disbanded Pendharis carried on their marauding activities throughout northern India. They fell upon the Bhosle's territory looting Ramtek and Bhandara, and burning some wards of Nagpur. Raghuji dispatched Vitthal Ballal Subhedar, Benising, Raghunathrav Ghatage and Muhammad Amirkhan of Shivani, against the Pendharis. Siddik Ali Khan and Malji Ahirrav were finally able to force the Pendharis out of Nagpur-Berar territory. [ KNPI, pp. 373-5.] Berar too was harassed by the Pendharis in this period of transition. It was Lord Hastings, who finally suppressed the Pendharis by an all-out attack on their rendezvous.

In 1807 Mr. Richard Jenkins succeeded Elphinstone as the Resident of Nagpur, and was in office up to 1826. He was responsible for changing the administration of Nagpur and modernising it. It was at his instance that the Bakhar of the Bhosles of Nagpur was compiled by Mr. Kashinath Rajeshwar Gupte in 1822 on the basis of the original state papers in the Daftar of the Bhosles. [ KNBB. Introduction.] During his long rule over Nagpur he left the stamp of his personality on every aspect of administration. He was, popularly known as ' Jenkin Saheb '.

The Bakhar he got compiled still forms the basis of the history of Berar.

Mr. Colebrooke who was deputed to Nagpur as an envoy in 1799 has left a lively pen-picture of Raghuji.

Raghuji lived in a grand palace having spacious gardens around. According to the architecture of the day the palace had six quadrangles or Chauks, each of them having a three storeyed structure. Even to-day part of the wada or mansion of the Bhosles and the mansion of Shrimant Raja Bala Saheb Chitnis give us enough idea of the architecture of the late eighteenth century. The drawing hall in the palace was decorated with chandeliers and pictures. The hall meant for the Raja had beautiful carvings.

The entire structure rested on thick walls beautified at several entrances with cusped arches made of wood. The central part of the building was supported by beautifully shaped cypress pillars, carved at the base and top.

Raghuji was simple in dress and manners. He was sweet-tongued and was friendly to all including his subordinates. He scrupulously observed, the decorum and manners of the darbar. During leisure hours all were entertained by music and dance. Raghuji was very much fond of hunting. When a game was reported in the neighbourhood he hurried to the place leaving state duty. He, however, never neglected administrative duty. His most trusted persons were Lakshman Munshi and Krishnarav Chitnis.

The dasara festival was celebrated with grandeur and pomp when all the courtiers paid their respects to the Raja.

Raghuji was fond of children. Bakabai was his most loved queen. He was religious-minded and devoted to his mother. Raghuji it seems lacked quick decision and determination. In diplomacy he was no match for the contemporary Englishmen of the East India Company with whom he was required to deal. [ KNPI. pp. 312-14.]

Like his contemporaries Bajirav II, Yeshvantrav Holkar, Daulatrav and Nana Phadnavis, he had to face men who were the products of a superior Western Civilisation, superior in science and armaments. To meet the English on the battlefield it was not enough to have a few borrowed guns and trained platoons (paltan). For a full command over them it was necessary to master the technique and science behind them. This could not be achieved either by a clever Mahadaji or a wise Nana. No wonder if Raghuji failed where the wisest of the Marathas could succeed only partially.

Raghuji's profile shows him to be a medium-statured, large-eyed and aquiline nosed person. He is bedecked with ornaments and is smoking a hukka, leaning against a takiya-a large pillow with ease. The sword rests on his right arm. He is sitting cross-legged. The upper part of the picture has thick curtains and the ground is covered with a star-designed carpet. This is the common posture in which members of royal family have been portrayed by Maratha painters. [KNPI. Picture facing p. 195.]

Towards the end of his career Raghuji was in financial difficulties due to wars. For the ways he used in collecting money, he was nicknamed the big baniya. Raghuji who had witnessed his house reaching the summit of its glory was destined to see its fall. This pained him most. He died on 22nd March I816. [ KNPI, p. 386.]

Parasoji Bhosle.

Parasoji Bhosle : Raghuji II was succeeded by his son Parasoji in 1816. Parasoji was paralytic, blind and mentally deranged. His father's efforts to improve him proved futile. Bakabai, Parasoji's step-mother brought him to her palace and took charge of the administration with the help of Dharmaji Bhosle, Naroba Chitnis and Gujabadada-Gujar. Dharmaji was an illegitimate son of Raghuji and was the custodian of the royal jewellery and treasury.

Next to Parasoji the only other claimant to the Nagpur gadi was Appasaheb Bhosle. He was a smart young man having the support of many a courtier as Parasoji was practically insane. Ramchandra Wagh and Manbhat were prominent among his chief supporters. They were trying to seduce the partisans of Parasoji. Thus, after the death of Raghuji Nagpur Court had two factions, one headed by Appasaheb, and the other led by Bakabai, Dharmaji and others with their protege Parasoji on the ancestral gadi.

Appasaheb Bhosle.

Appasaheb Bhosle : Appasaheb had no claim over the gadi as Parasoji was the son of Raghuji. The army was under the command of Dharmaji Siddikali Khan and Gujabadada. Appasaheb impressed upon the courtiers that it was not desirable that Dharmaji, a bastard, should manage the affairs of the Bhosle house. The resident Mr. Jenkins was secretly backing Appasaheb as he was counting upon him to accept the subsidiary alliance which Raghuji had been carefully avoiding all through his life. When Siddikali Khan smelt this, his loyalty to Parasoji and Bakabai wavered. He sat on the fence, ready to jump to the side of the winning party. Appasaheb called Dharmaji for a meeting on 11 April, 1816, and got him arrested. He took possession of the Raja and his treasury. Without any further loss of time Appasaheb ceremoniously performed the coronation for Parasoji. He personally held the Chauri over Parasoji's head and walked barefoot in the procession taken out in honour of the Raja. A grand darbar was held in which the Raja was made to proclaim the appointment of Appasaheb as his regent. Mr. Jenkins graced the occasion by his presence, lending stability to Appasaheb.

Dharmaji was murdered on 5 May 1816. [ KNPI, p. 397.] Appasaheb's evil intention of seizing power for himself was finally fulfilled by this murder. He entered into the Subsidiary Alliance with the English on 28 May 1816, bartering away the independent status of Nagpur which Raghuji II had maintained with great difficulty. The important terms of this alliance were:-

(1) For the protection of Nagpur the English were to maintain six platoons of foot-soldiers and one of cavalry. The king was to pay seven and a half lacs of rupees for the maintenance of this force.

(2) The king was to grant territory worth this amount in case of his failure to pay it.

(3) The king too was to keep a contingent force of 3,000 soldiers and 2,000 horse at his own expenses, to be supervised by the resident in respect of its pay, discipline, provision etc.

(4) All foreign affairs were to be conducted only through the English Resident.

(5) The king was not to engage in wars with the friends of the English. [ KNPI. p. 399.]

This alliance was brought about through Appasaheb's envoys, Nagojipant and Narayan Panditji. The former received an annual pension of Rs. 15 thousand from the English for his successful mediation.

Part of the English subsidiary force moved from Elichpur to Nagpur under General Doveton and the rest was stationed at Kalameswar near Nagpur to strengthen Appasaheb's position. Afraid of the machinations of the rival party Appasaheb left the palace and took residence in the Telangkhedi Garden.

On the morning of 1st February 1817 Parasoji was found dead in his bed. Appasaheb was out of station. It was rumoured that Appasaheb managed to throttle Parasoji to death by seducing his body-guards Sadikmanu Bhaldar and Janu Bansod. The Resident absolved Appasaheb of the charge of murder of which he was suspected at this time, but later, when he tried to break the bonds of subsidiary alliance he was conveniently made the culprit. [ KNPI. p. 403-404.]

After Parasoji's death, Appasaheb being the only heir to the Nagpur gadi his succession ceremonies were gone through quietly on 21 April, 1817. The moment Appasaheb assumed charge of Nagpur and Berar he began to feel the weight of British supremacy which he had accepted by the subsidiary alliance. His efforts hereafter were directed to overthrow the British yoke. The Resident suspected that Appasaheb was in contact with Peshwa Bajirav II and Shinde. The agents of one of the Pendhari leaders Chittu were openly honoured in the darbar by presenting dress. As a precautionary measure Col. Adams was asked to move his force to the south of the Narmada to meet any emergency. Similarly, Scott left Ramtek for Nagpur. It was in this atmosphere that Appasaheb, decided to receive the robes of Sena-Saheb-Subha, formally, from Bajirav Peshwa. November 24, 1817, was decided as the day for receiving the robes in the open darbar. Appasaheb invited the Resident for this ceremony. But the latter declined it as war had broken out with the Peshwa in Pune, and informed Appasaheb that he should not receive the honours from the enemy of the British. In spite of this opposition Appasaheb received the robes and the title in the darbar. This was considered as a breach of the subsidiary treaty by the Resident and a war with Appasaheb seemed imminent. [ KNPI. p. 408.]

Like Bajirav, Appasaheb too wanted to free himself from the shackles of the subsidiary treaty. He was helped in this task by Manbhat, Ram-chandra Wagh, Subhedar Nimbalkar and Narayan Nagare. Receiving the title of Sena-Saheb-Subha was just a pretext under which Appasaheb wanted to proclaim his independence by throwing off the subsidiary alliance. Appasaheb was well aware that assertion of independence meant war with the English and at once started making preparation for it. At the order of Appasaheb his Arab soldiers occupied a position between the city and Sitabuldi. He had a total force of 18 thousand men and 26 guns while the English force numbered only 1800.

The Battle of Sitabuldi.

The Battle of Sitabuldi : Having come to know the movements of the Maratha army, the Resident ordered Lt. Col. Scott to occupy the Sitabuldi hills. Scott had two battalions of Madras Native infantry, two companies of Native infantry and three troops of Bengal Cavalry. He was equipped with four six-pounder guns. Strategically the Marathas committed a blunder in allowing Scott to occupy the hills.

The Raja's palace was in the present Mahal area which has had the famous Shukravar daravaja. This was the fort.

The English had taken shelter in the Tulsibag about the 24 December 1817.

The English residency was situated to the west of the Sitabuldi Fort, i.e., on the site of the present Nagpur Mahavidyalaya. The English had their treasury to the west of the smaller hill of the two Sitabuldi hills. The southern hill spreads from east to west and is the bigger one. The smaller one is to the north. The two hills roughly rise above the ground to a height of hundred feet and are separated by the same distance. [ KNPI. pp. 411-13.]

Peace talks were in progress even when both the sides were preparing for war simply to gain time. On the evening of 26 November 1817, the Arabs of Appasaheb opened fire on the smaller hill. He sent a message to the Resident saying that this had been done against his orders. Appasaheb throughout this war was wavering, making the position of his loyal supporters like Manbhat most awkward. It is possible that the mercenary Arabs might have acted on their own without waiting for the orders of their master but this speaks for Appasaheb's lack of leadership. Appasaheb, after his defeat, pleaded that his Arabs opened fire at the order of Manbhat. [ Ibid, 417.]

The fire of the Arabs was well replied to by the English guns on the hills. Captain Lloyed was in charge of the bigger hill. Captain Sadler was killed by a shot while he was defending the small hill. On the morning of 27, the Bhosle's forces approached the hill. The smaller hill was attacked and occupied. The English were in a confused state. The Arabs were preparing to launch an attack on the bigger hill. The English would have lost the battle but for the brave and spirited attack of Captain Fitzgerald. His determined onslaught pushed the Marathas back and they broke in all directions. This infused new spirit in the English soldiers who were drooping from fatigue. A combined attack of the cavalry and infantry finally won the day for the English.

It was Manbhat and his Arabs who really fought well bringing victory within easy reach for the Marathas. [ KNPI. pp. 422-23.] But lack of concerted action and Appasaheb's vacillation were mainly responsible for the defeat of the Marathas. Appasaheb in order to save himself pleaded to the Resident that all was done by Manbhat without his orders. Bakabai too towed his line. Thus, in war Appasaheb proved to be a coward and in defeat acted most disgracefully. Manbhat, Ramachandra Wagh, Ganpatrav Subhedar and their supporters were against any talk of peace. When Doveton was preparing to attack the city, Appasaheb walked into the protection of the Resident on 16 December 1817 at about 9 O' clock in the morning. The masterless Marathas fought one more battle known as the battle of Sakkardara, only to lose it. Manbhat with his Arabs and north Indian soldiers totalling 5000, defended the city from behind the fort. [ Ibid, pp. 428-30.] But he was helpless when the Arabs, in a divided state of mind were seduced by the English. They left Nagpur on the 30th when the arrears of their pay were cleared. The Union Jack was hoisted on the old palace of the Bhosles on the same day. Poor Manbhat was arrested and later died in prison. [ KNPI. p. 434.]

Appasaheb signed a treaty on 6 January 1818 with the English in which he was bound by terms stricter than those of the subsidiary alliance. The terms of the treaty were:-

1. Appasaheb was to surrender the forts of Gavilgad, Narnala and the territory attached to them, along with the states Sirguja and Jaspur.

2. The civil and military administration of Nagpur was to be conducted through the Resident.

3. Appasaheb was to stay in Nagpur under the supervision of the Resident.

4. Appasaheb was to pay the arrears of pay of the subsidiary army.

5. He was to surrender any fort which might be asked for by the English.

6. He was to hand over all those who acted against his orders in the war.

7. The Sitabuldi hills were to be surrendered to the English along with the neighbouring area they might ask for. [ Ibid pp. 435-36.]

This sealed the fate of Appasaheb as also of Nagpur and Wardha once for all. These terms of the treaty were ratified by the Governor General.

With the surrender of Appasaheb Bhosle the outlying posts of Jabal-pur, the forts of Shivani, Dhirud (south-east of Nagpur), Gavilgad, Chauragad, Narnala and Mandla fell to the English without much resistance. The fort of Mandla, which was protected by the river Narmada, offered resistance for sometime. But when its keeper Raya Hajari ran away the beleaguered force numbering 1100 surrendered. [ KNPI, p. 438-444.]

After his surrender Appasaheb was reinstated on his ancestral gadi and allowed to stay in the palace. For three months things appeared to move smoothly. On 19 February 1818 Bapu Gokhale, the last great general of Bajirav, fell fighting in the battle of Ashta. Bajirav lost all hope of regaining his position and took to heels begging for help till his surrender to Malcolm. During his flight he was at Washim for a while and then escaped at Pandharkavada. He was accompanied by Ganpatrav Subhedar one of the generals of Appasaheb. It was rumoured that Bajirav would be joined by Appasaheb and both would march to Chand-rapur which was yet in the hands of its keeper Gangasing. Jenkins' suspicion that Appasaheb was in correspondence with Bajirav was strengthened when a letter from Appasaheb to Bajirav was intercepted by Elphinstone and sent to him. He at once arrested Appasaheb on 15 March 1818. Appasaheb along with Ramchandra Wagh and Nagopant was sent to Prayag, as his presence in Nagpur was considered dangerous.

The fort of Chandrapur fell on 30 May 1818. Its keeper Gangasing fought desperately till he fell dead along with his trusted followers.

On his way to Prayag Appasaheb escaped from the English camp at Raichur on 13 May 1818. Hereafter began the long flight of Appasaheb.

Appasaheb took shelter in the Mahadeva hills of Madhya Pradesh and was helped by Mohansing Thakur of Panchmadhi and Chainshah of Harai. A few petty Gond Kings too supported Appasaheb in his last days. The English forces under Adams, MacMorin and Scott combed out the Hills and arrested the Gond leaders. Mohansing and Chainshah were taken into custody. Appasaheb made good for the fort of Ashirgad, the gateway of Deccan, on 1st February 1819. He was escorted by the Pendhari leader Chittu and his followers. Appasaheb was received into the fort by Yashavantrav Lad, its keeper. The fort was yet in the possession of the Shindes. It was admirably suited for defence. The English moved their men and material from Malva, Pune, Nagpur and Hyderabad. Prior to the surrender of the fort on 9 April, 1819, Appasaheb had escaped towards Khairi Ghat to the north-west of Ashirgad and taken shelter with a Brahmin at Burhanpur. From there Appasaheb travelled through the territory of the Shindes, Holkars, Ranas of Jaipur and Jodhpur begging for asylum, and took shelter for sometime with Ranjit Sing. The Raja of Mandi gave Appasaheb protection for a short time. Finally Appasaheb was found with the Raja of Jodhpur. The Raja refused to hand over Appasaheb to the English in keeping with the chivalrous traditions of the Rajputs. In 1829 Appasaheb's wandering career came to an end and he spent the remaining part of his life as a guest-cum-royal prisoner at the court of Jodhpur. He died in 1840.

During his luckless days Appasaheb desperately moved from court to court begging for help. But he was too late. Had he shown sufficient courage and determination in the Battle of Sitabuldi the chances of success would have been brighter. He let down his honest supporters like Manbhat and Ramchandra Wagh. In expecting aid from Bajirav Appasaheb was leaning on a broken reed. After his confinement at Jodhpur nobody seems to have been really sorry for the unfortunate Appasaheb. In his flight his wife Umabai supplied him money secretly. His other wife Savitribai. who was enjoying a pension at Nagpur, does not seem to have visited him even after she came to know of his stay in Jodhpur. [ KNPl. p. 472.]

Raghuji III.

Raghuji III :-When Appasaheb was arrested the resident Mr. Jenkins decided to adopt Bajiba, the son of Banubai as the successor to the Bhosle gadi. Banubai was the daughter of Raghuji II. The adoption ceremony was performed on 26 June 1818 and Bajiba was renamed Raghuji III. He was then a boy of ten. It was the Resident who took the entire administration into his own hands during the minority of Raghuji III. Bakabai was to look after the palace affairs. Her ambition to rule may be said to have been fulfilled at least partly. Prior to his retirement the Resident held a grand darbar and read out the terms of the treaty to Raghuji III on 1 December 1826. It was ratified by the Governor General on 13th December 1826.

The terms of the treaty were:-

1. The terms of this treaty which were not contradictory to the subsidiary alliance of 1816 were accepted by the Raja.

2. The Raja was not to have any relationship with the other Maratha States. He was to retain the title of Sena-Saheb-Subha but was to relinquish the honours connected with it.

3. The Raja was to give to the English, territory worth Rs. 7.5 lacs for the maintenance of the subsidiary force. He was hereafter not required to keep the contingent force as decided previously by the subsidiary alliance of 1816. The English promised to continue the raj in the house of the Bhosles perpetually.

4. The raj was given over to the king as he had come of age.

5. Chandrapur, Devgad, the territory of the Ghats, Lanji and Chhattisgad were to be under the English along with the feudatories of these regions. The Raja was to receive Rs. 17 lacs from these territories after deducting the expenses. The Raja was to rule over Nagpur and the rest of the territory.

6. The Raja was to act on the advice of the English in respect of the appointment of officials, Raja's privy purse and laws of the territory. The English had the right to inspect the kings' treasury and the accounts of his kingdom.

7. In the event of maladministration the English were free to appoint their own officers and manage things.

8. The English were free to take over Sitabuldi or any other fort they required.

Mr. Jenkins gave charge of his office to Captain Hamilton on 29 December 1826 and proceeded to Bombay for his homeward journey. [KNPI. pp. 486-88.]

Jenkins deserves praise for the peace and good administration he gave to the Bhosle raj during his ten years career. He was able to turn the deficit of the kingdom into a surplus treasury. His treatment of the Bhosles was far better than the one meted out to Peshwa Bajirav II by Malcolm. He could have easily annexed Nagpur to the British territory had he meant so.

Jenkins took care to educate Raghuji III. Raghuji was introduced to the three R's. and had working knowledge of Persian and Marathi though he had no inclination for learning. [ Ibid 482.] In the early part of his royal career Raghuji took keen interest in administrative matters but later neglected them. He was fond of music and dancing, and indulged in gambling to the neglect of his duties. He was addicted to drinking and during his last illness he drank desperately. Apart from these personal vices Raghuji was on the whole a just and good administrator. He was a popular king.

Raghuji was not blessed with progeny though he had in all eight wives. He had one son who died in infancy. Thereafter, he probably did not get any issue. He does not seem to have cared for his successor. He probably considered his sonlessness as a blemish and left the question of succession to its own fate. This, however, proved to be detrimental to the Bhosle House as is borne by facts. Raghuji was not on good terms with Resident Mansel. This might have adversely affected the succession question.

Raghuji had been to Kashi, Gaya and other holy places on a pilgrimage in 1838. He was accompanied by Captain Fitzgerald with his Madras contingent. Raghuji died at the age of 47 after a long illness of 25 days, on 11 December 1853. His obsequies were performed by his nephew Nana Ahirarav and it was decided to adopt his son Yashavantrav as the next successor. [KNPI. p. 507-08.]

Annexation of Nagupr and Wardha.

The question of adoption to the Nagpur gadi was discussed thrice prior to the death of Raghuji III. In 1837 the Resident Mr. Cavendish stated that Raghuji III had no right to adopt a successor as his territory had been conquered by the British and given back to him and his sons. In the absence of an heir apparent or a posthumous child the Raja's kingdom was thus to lapse to the British. The view of Resident Wilkinson was in favour of Raghuji. In 1840 he opined that Raghuji or after his death his queen had the right to adopt a son as successor to the gadi. The case of Nagpur was in no way different from that of Gwalior or Hyderabad. Actually, according to the treaty of 1826, when Mr. Jenkins was the Resident, the British had promised to continue the raj of the Bhosles in perpetuity. But this term was very conveniently set aside and the Court of Directors in England concurring with the views of Lord Dalhousie, the Governor-General, ordered that, " it had been determined on grounds, both of right and policy, to incorporate the State of Nagpur with the British territories." [ HFM. p. 45.] Mr. Mansel, the then Resident, had suggested that Nagpur should be annexed. The fateful decision of the Court of Directors was proclaimed by Lord Dalhousie and Mr. Mansel was ordered to take charge of Nagpur asthe first Commissioner. He started working in this capacity from 13 March 1854.

Bakabai the favourite queen of Raghuji II and the queens of Raghuji III were informed of this proclamation. There was no popular agitation against this unjust decision of the British though the late king Raghuji III was liked by his subjects. There was, however, sorrow and resentment among the Brahmins and the Marathas of Nagpur as is witnessed by the two posters which were stuck on the wall of Jagriteshwar Temple. One of the posters expressed anxiety regarding the very existence of the Hindu State after the death of Raghuji and called upon all the Brahmins to attend the abhisheka and japa (recitation of God's name) which were being performed in the temple of Jagriteshwar in the city. Those not attending were considered as bastards.

The other poster condemned Dadoba Shirke, a relation of the Bhosles, who helped the British in the annexation of Nagpur. [ HFM. pp. 46, 47.]

These posters have their own value but they cannot be taken as expresive of popular, view. Colonel Low, a member of the Governor General's council who was against the annexation of Nagpur wrote that the people in the Raj of the Bhosles were very much tired of their rule and would be happy under the British. Mr. Mansel, the Resident, in his report stated that the annexation of Nagpur Raj would cause great sorrow to all those who were connected with it, but the general public to whom the Marathas were foreigners desired to be relieved of their troublesome rule. This state of affairs has got to be taken into account in studying the history of Nagpur after its annexation.

The unjust annexation of Nagpur was followed by the highhanded confiscation of the private treasure of the Bhosle family. Popular estimate placed the value of the treasure between Rs. 50 lacs and Rs. 75 lacs. [ Ibid p. 49.] On July 15, 1854, the Resident's Assistant informed the Ranis that they would be pensioned and with the exception of small portion of their jewellery their property would be seized on behalf of Government. The strong protests of Bakabai and others were of no avail. By the end of October 1854, 136 bags of treasure were removed from the palace to the British treasury. The palace animals were sold by public auction and part of the jewellery was sent to Calcutta where Messers Hamilton and Company were appointed as auctioneers. [ HFM. p. 52.]

This loot of the private property of the Bhosles under the garb of law deeply wounded the feelings of Bakabai and the widows of Raghuji III, and caused great excitement among the citizens of Nagpur.

Parvatrav and Jamaluddin, who helped the Resident in this arbitrary act, became targets of mob fury. The latter was beaten. Mr. Hislop the well-known missionary of Nagpur was mistaken for an officer and manhandled.

From the sales of the confiscated property of the royal family, the Bhosle Fund was formed. This was to be utilised for the pensions of the relatives of the royal family.

Pensions sanctioned for the members of the royal family were as follows:-

Bakabai tried to represent her case directly to Calcutta pointing out that she herself and the Ranis of the late king had expressed their desire to adopt a son, but the Resident completely changed their case and sent it up, while he always promised them that he would look to their interest. Bapu Hanmantrav, the envoy of Bakabai was asked to send the case through the Commissioner of Nagpur. Later, Bakabai sent her envoys to England to meet the members of the Board of Directors. But she withdrew her case and called back her envoys fearing that this might result in the displeasure of the Commissioner. Bakabai died on 7 September 1858 at Nagpur at the age of seventy-seven.

Prior to her death Bakabai arranged the adoption of Yashwantrav the son of Nana Ahirrav as the next successor in 1855. Yashwantrav was renamed as Janoji. [KNPI. pp. 530, 31.] Final sanction to this adoption was received in 1861 during the Viceroyalty of Lord Canning. An annual pension of Rs. 1,20,000 was sanctioned for Janoji and the title 'Raja-Bahadur of Devur' was conferred on him. The pension was subject to revision after Janoji's death but the title was to continue in the family perpetually. [KNPI. p. 542.] Janoji II died in 1881.

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