INTRODUCTION

BOMBAY THE HEPTANESIA OF THE GREEK COSMOGRAPHER, PTOLEMY, is now a bustling city, the commercial capital of India and the most industrialised city in the sub-continent. However, the Bombay Island and parts of the Salsette presently in Bombay had many rural characteristics in the period upto the beginning of the nineteenth century. There was a good amount of agricultural cultivation in the South Salsette now christened Bombay Suburban District, even upto the dawn of the present century. Cocoanuts, rice, mangoes and other fruits and vegetables were cultivated in the Bombay Island and in the Bombay Suburban District. When the Island came under the British (1665) and was then leased to the East India Company (1668), the Company encouraged agricultural cultivation. The extension of cultivated area at any rate was one of the objectives of the local officials of the East India Company. In 1679 they urged upon the Council at Surat the necessity of improving a considerable quantity of ground on each side of the Company's garden. They also demanded that the uncultivated area should be surveyed, drained and rendered fit for agriculture. By the close of the seventeenth century a certain amount of progress was discernible. People had been encouraged to settle and cultivate the soil. The mangoes of Bombay, which had been very carefully nurtured by the Portuguese, maintained their standard of excellence.

At the dawn of the eighteenth century a good amount of land which was formerly under inundation, was brought under cultivation. By 1725 the number of palms in the island was estimated at 1,10,000.

Mr. Grose stated in 1750 that the bulk of the proprietors and cultivators in Bombay were Roman Catholic Mestizos and Canarins. He further wrote that agricultural land was chiefly employed in cocoanut groves or oarts, rice fields and onion grounds.

During the early years of the nineteenth century the expansion of the town commenced to set a limit upon the progress of cultivation. Mr. Heber found in 1838 that the area of rice land was still considerable, but it gradually dwindled between 1835 and 1850 from 1,67,435 burgas to 1,65,000 burgas (a burga=60 square yards). Garden cultivation still maintained its popularity. Brinjals and other vegetables were grown in plenty. The economic advancement of the town, however, eventually curtailed the area of garden land, much of which was absorbed during the latter half of the nineteenth century by railways, roads and buildings.

Rice was the staple crop of the island, while cocoanut plantation was rampant between Sion and Mahim on the east of the railway, and also in Dadar, Mahim and Worli at the dawn of the twentieth century. However, the mammoth growth of factories, trade and commerce and the consequent urbanization encroached upon agriculture at a faster rate. The encroachment continues to this day. Still many patches of agricultural land have survived the ravages of urbanization, and hence, a narration of agricultural cultivation and allied matters is given in this chapter.

Since land reclamation has some bearing on agriculture in this island, a very brief account of the same is given below, while details are given in Chapter 1 of this Gazetteer (Vol. I). The account of tenancy and tenures in this chapter, although it no longer holds good, is furnished as a matter of historical interest.

Although the chapter bears the heading " Agriculture and Irrigation " as per the pattern of contents in all Gazetteers, no account of irrigation is given below because there is not much of " irrigation " as we understand it today.

 

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LAND RECLAMATION

The physical history of Bombay is a story of land reclamation. The idea of reclaiming submerged grounds dated from a very early period. In the middle of the sixteenth century the Portuguese authorities had advised their king to substitute for the grant of villages to deserving individuals the allotment of submerged lands in perpetuity to those who drained and reclaimed them. After taking possession of the Bombay Island by the British, the Court of Directors of the East India Company ordered their representatives in Bombay to encourage the stoppage of breaches where the sea over-flowed the island. The reclaimed land was granted, free of rent but reserving a small quit-rent for the Company, to individuals. Nevertheless, with the exception of small patches of reclamation here and there, no serious attempt was made for about a century after Bombay came under the British. The first work of great magnitude in this direction was the construction of the Vellard between Mahalaxmi and Worli during the Governorship of William Hornby (1771-84). It is noteworthy that some efforts were made to build the Vellard earlier in the century. But the work could not withstand the ravages of the sea waves. William Hornby appreciated the importance of stopping the flow of sea water from the Great Breach (Breach Candy) upto Mazagaon in the east and upto the Mahim Creek in the north. He framed a proposal for construction of the causeway, but it was rejected by the Court of Directors on the ground that it was nothing but extravagance. Hornby, however, undertook the scheme in the face of opposition from the Court of Directors, while there were only 18 months left till the expiry of his tenure of office. The causeway was completed in 1805 and was later named after him as Hornby Vellard. It is now known as Lala Lajpatrai Road.

No sooner was the Vellard completed than the central portions of the island and the Flats became available for the reclamation which was gradually carried out during the nineteenth century. A huge area from Mahalaxmi upto Mazagaon in the east and upto the Mahim Creek in the north was gradually reclaimed. As soon as the Flats were reclaimed, the land was brought under cultivation; rice, cocoanuts and vegetables were grown on considerable areas. The Bellasis Road from west to east then passed through rice fields on both sides.

The economic boom incidental to the Share Mania (1861-65) which was by itself due to the American Civil War of 1861-65 initiated a series of reclamations. The prosperity and money born of the boom were harnessed to the cause of land reclamation. While a large portion of the reclaimed land was utilised for urban planning and development, a good amount of land was brought under cultivation.

There are many localities in the city which bear the names such as Kele Wadi, Tad Wadi, Phanas Wadi, Ambe Wadi, Naral Wadi, Kande Wadi, which were once garden lands growing fruits and vegetables. The area formerly known as Mahim Woods was a congenial home for garden lands which grew cocoanuts, mangoes, many other fruits and vegetables as well as paddy.

The mangoes of Mazagaon were very famous in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Thomas Cooke's Lullah Rookh speaks highly about them. The Mazagaon mangoes were relished in the dining hall of Emperor Shah Jahan. They were harvested twice a year, once in May and then during December. Even at the dawn of the twentieth century two mango trees of the same rich variety of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were found to be existing in a garden around a private bungalow at Mazagaon. (Gillian Tindall, City of Gold (TempleSmith, London, 1982).)

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LAND USE

Before analysing the existing pattern of land use in Greater Bombay with particular reference to agricultural activity, it is necessary to give the history of formation of the present Greater Bombay District.

Prior to 1920 Bombay comprised only the Island City. In 1920, the Salsette taluka of Thane district was divided into North Salsette and South Salsette. South Salsette taluka consisting of 86 villages was sepa­rated from Thane district to constitute the newly created Bombay Subur­ban District. This district was constituted of two talukas viz., Borivali with 33 villages and Andheri with 53 villages. In 1945, 33 villages from this district were transferred back to Thane district. In 1946, 14 villages of these 33 were returned back to Bombay Suburban District for the development of the Aarey Milk Colony. The municipal limits of Bombay were extended in 1950 to include the Andheri taluka of the Bombay Subur­ban District as Suburban Bombay. It was on 1st February 1957 that the Borivali taluka together with villages transferred from Thane district was also appended to Bombay when the Municipal Corporation limits were further extended. Thus the present Greater Bombay district comprising the city proper and suburbs came into existence since 1st February 1957.

Upto the end of the nineteenth century a considerable area of Bombay Island and Salsette was under agriculture. With the growth of indus­trialisation and urbanization land under agriculture dwindled progressively. The following tables Nos. 1 and 2 give the statistics about the land use in Bombay since 1918-19 to 1980-81. It may be noted that the statistics pertain to the area of the city which existed in the respective years:—

TABLE No. 1
CULTIVATED AND UNCULTIVATED AREA IN BOMBAY SUBURBAN DISTRICT

(Area in hectares)

	Type of Area	1922-23	1930-31	1940-41	1947-48
(1)	No. of villages	81	93	86	39
(2)	Total area cultivated and uncultivated	33,487	39,702	36,832	23,166
(3)	Area under cultivation-
	Net Cropped	11,486	13,299	11,585	3,881
	Fallows	8,626	8,422	7,676	2,878
	Total	20,112	21,721	19,261	6,759
(4)	Uncultivated area—
	Other uncultivated area excluding fallows.	1,597	5,680	6,050	120
	Area not available for cultivation	11,778	12,301	11,521	16,287
	Total—Uncultivated area	13,375	17,981	17,571	16,407

Source.—Statistical Atlas ofiBombay State, 1925 and 1950.

TABLE No. 2
LAND UTILIZATION IN GREATER BOMBAY FROM 1950-51 TO 1980-81

(Area in ' 00' hectares)

		1950-51	1960-61	1970-71	1980-81*
1.	Geographical area by village papers	170	380	380	380
2.	Forests	1	14	15	15
3.	Barren and uncultivated land   ..	39	45	61	74
4.	Land put to non-agricultural uses	13	95	156	193
5.	Cultivable waste	27	49	6	9
6.	Land   under  miscellaneous   trees, crops and groves.	..	4	..	..
7.	Permanent pastures, grazing groves		35	12	6
8.	Current fallows		15	8	3
9.	Other fallows	37	36	52	18
10.	Net area sown	53	87	70	62
11.	Area sown more than once	3	5	2	7
12.	Gross cropped area	53	91	72	69

* figure for 1980-81 are provisional
Source—Statistical Abstract of Maharashtra State, 1950-51 to 1980-81.

In 1980-81 the net area sown in Bombay was only 16.3 per cent of the total geographical area. Out of the net area sown most of the area was under paddy, fruits and vegetables.

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AGRICULTURAL POPULATION

It is seen from the old Gazetteer of Thana District (1882) that the agricultural population in Salsette which is now in Greater Bombay included Kolis, Sonkolis, Christians, Kunbis and Agris. The following statement shows the agricultural population in Greater Bombay as per the 1961,1971 and 1981 censuses:—

Category	1961		1971		1981
	Males	Females	Males	Females	Males	Females
Cultivators	2,944	1,896	2,292	380	2,777	400
Agricultural labourers	1,156	793	2,393	565	1,984	483

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RAINFALL

Greater Bombay receives rains from the south-west monsoons, which commence usually in the first fortnight of June and last till the end of September, Ante-monsoon showers visit in May. Occasionally, north-east monsoon showers occur in October-November, but rarely more than twice in the entire rainy season. The rainfall ranges from 1788.4 mm to 2791.5 mm in 72 to 84 rainy days at Colaba and 1959.0 mm to 2493.5 mm in 69 to 76 rainy days at Borivali.

The account of rainfall is furnished in Chapter 1 of this Gazetteer (Vol. I). It may, however, be of some interest to give some additional information from the Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. I, 1909 (pp. 88-89).

"Rainfall is registered at several places in Bombay and the falls are often found to vary considerably. The vicinity of small hills to the north of the island especially the high hill of Trombay, must affect to no slight extent the amount of precipitation. On an average it is somewhat greater in the north-east part of the island than at Colaba in the south/The average annual fall at Colaba is 71.15 inches. The maximum fall recorded during the period was 114.89 inches in the year 1849, the record minimum falls being 33.42, 33.66 and 35.90 in 1904, 1905 and 1899, respectively, the last being a noted year of famine. Among all climatic elements the fluctuations of annual total rainfall show the greatest departures from the mean, which must have a reflex action to a marked degree upon the general condition of the atmosphere, determining the climate of any particular year. Out of 60 years only 2 years registered annual total falls more than 100 inches; 12 registered between 80 and 100; as many as 36 between 60 and 80; 7 between 40 and 60; and 3 between 30 and 40 inches. The average departure from the mean is 12.40 inches or one-sixth of the total fall."

Table No. 3 gives the statistics of number of rainy days and rainfall in Greater Bombay since 1951 to 1980.

TABLE, No. 3
Rainfall in Greater Bombay since 1951 to 1980

Year	Bombay (Colaba)		Borivali
	No. of rainy days	Rainfall (mm)	No. of rainy days	Rainfall (mm)
1951	72	1,788.4	N.A.	N.A,
1955	N.A.	2,251.4	N.A	N.A.
1960	78	2,116.0	N.A.	N.A.
1965	67	2,024.1	76	2,493.5
1970	80	2,625.6	N.A.	N.A.
1975	84	2,791.5	N.A.	N.A.
1980	74	1,923.1	69	N.A.

Source.—Statistical Atlas of Maharashtra State, 1951-52 to 1980-81.

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CROPS

Rice, fruits and vegetables, and cocoanuts are the crops grown in Greater Bombay. Table No. 4 gives the statistics of area under crops, gross cropped and net cropped area in Bombay since 1922-23 to 1982-83.

TABLE No. 4
Area under Food and Non-Food Crops in Greater Bombay since1922-23* to 1982-83
(Area in hectares)

Year	Rice	Total cereals	Fruits	Vegetables	Total fruits and vegetables	Total food crops	Oil­seeds	Fibres
1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9
1922-23	6,482.26	6,510.59	328.61	820.71	1,149.32	6,510.59	7.28
1930-31	5,875.23	5,893.04		842.56	842.56	5,893.04	310.80	0.81
1940-41	5,042.44	5,042.44		971.25	971.25	5,042.44	313.22
1950-51	1,699.68	1,699.68	404.69	242.81	647.50	1,699.68	161.87
1960-61	2,900.00	2,900.00	1,300.00	1,100.00	2,400.00	2,900.00	700.00
1970-71	1,200.00	1,200.00	300.00	200.00	500.00	1,200.00	200.00
1982-83	900.00	900.00				900.00

 

Year	Condiments and spices	Guinea grass	Other misc. non-food crops	Total non-food crops	Gross cropped area	Area sown more than once	Net cropped area
1	10	11	12	13	14	15	16
1922-23	7.28		7,381.88	7,400.49	15,065.34	110.88	14,945.46
1930-31	29.14		6,653.44	6,694.19	13,636.70	60.30	13,657.34
1940-41	12.55		5,323.64	5,649.42	11,663.05	58.28	11,604.78
1950-51			3,075.61	3,237.49	5,584.72	323.75	7,689.11
1960-61			12,200.00	13,000.00	22,600.00	1,200.00	21,400.00
1970-71		5,100.00	100.00	5,400.00	7,100.00	100.00	7,000.00
1982-83					900.00

Source.—Statistical Atlas of Bombay State, 1925, 1950 and Statistical Abstracts of Maharashtra State, 1950-51 to 1970-71.
*Figures for 1922-23 to 1950-51 pertain to Old Bombay District as it existed then.

Rice : Rice is the main crop grown in Bombay and occupied 900 hectares of area in 1982-83. It is grown only as a kharif crop.

The figures of production and average yield per hectare of rice in Greater Bombay in 1960-61,1970-71,1980-81 and 1982-83 are given below :-

Year	Production (Metric tonnes)	Average yield per hectare (kg)
1960-61	3,900	1,325
1970-71	2,100	1,750
1980-81	1,600	1,600
1982-83	1,500	1,667

The method of cultivation of this crop is the same as is in vogue in Thane district.

The Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island published in 1909 mentions that the total area under rice* in Bombay Island in the year 1909 was about 140 hectares. "Rice is the staple crop of the Island and is grown in such areas as are still unoccupied by houses or cocoanut plantations, namely between Sion and Matunga on the east of the railway, and in the Dadar, Varli and Mahim sections. Two modes of rice growing prevail in Bombay, the lavani and rohachi lagvad. The former and com­moner method consists in the transplantation of seedlings, the latter in sowing seeds that have sprouted. The soil and seasons are well-suited to the crop, but its cultivation is not regarded with as much favour as the cultivation of cocoanut palms, being more expensive and in the end much less profitable than the latter. Artificial irrigation of rice is unknown in the Island. Some rice lands are for tending vegetables in dry season. The garden lands are mostly in Sion, Matunga, Sewri and Parel. (Gazetteer of BombayCity and Island, Vol. I (1909), pp. 121-22)

The improved varieties of paddy grown in Salsette include the early Kolamba-184, Zinya-31, Kolamba-540 and Kolamba-42. They are all sown in the first week of June. Kolamba is harvested in the last week of September, and this is a very fine variety. Zinya-31 is harvested in October, Kolamba-540 in the third week of October and Kolamba-42 in the last week of November.

Cocoanut: In the year 1909, there were approximately 1,00,000 cocoanut trees in Bombay Island. The area under palms was 352 hectares during the same year. These trees were also cultivated in the gardens of former Salsette. The total area under cocoanut in Bombay Suburban District in the year 1947-48 was 143 hectares. (Dr. S. Soloman, Crops of Bombay State, Their Cultivation and Statistics, p. 101) The mode of its cultivation is the same as is in vogue in Thane district.

Fruits : Fruits grown in Bombay occupied 500 hectares of area during 1975-76, and in 1979-80 the area under fruits and vegetables was 400 hectares. Mango is the main fruit crop grown in the city.

Mango : Mango, amba (Mangifera indicd) is grown to a considerable extent roundabout Trombay. The Portuguese were fond of the mangoes grown in Trombay. (Fryer's Account) The mangoes at Mazagaon were very famous in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. They found an honoured place not only in the aristocracy in the city but also in the dining hall of Emperor Shah Jahan.

The area under mangoes in Bombay Suburban District was about 324 hectares in 1950-51 and 500 hectares in 1975-76. It is grown as a commercial crop. The method of mango cultivation in Greater Bombay is the same as is in vogue in Thane district.

Bombay provides a congenial ground for mango plantation. Manure is applied when the plants are young to achieve quick growth. The plants start yielding fruits after about six years. Good yield is obtained from the 10th year onwards.

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VEGETABLES

Green vegetables are grown in the garden lands as well as in the land near the railway lines of the Western Railway and Central Railway. They are grown on a very small scale and occupied an area of about 200 hectares during 1975-76. Vegetables include carrot, tomato, brinjal, bhendi, cabbage, dudhya, kakdi, ghosale, alu, chakvat, coriander, methi, palak, radish and onion.

There is no cultivation of pulses, drugs and narcotics, sugarcane and fibres in Bombay.

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LIVE-STOCK

The Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island gives the following account about live-stock (Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. I (1909), pp. 128-35) in the past.

Domestic Animals: The chief domestic animals, horses, cattle and goats are only imported into Bombay and are not bred within the island. Buffaloes are imported for milk purposes from Gujarat, the Gir from Kathiawar, Delhi and Hansi from the Punjab. There being no regular cattle market in Bombay, the gaulis or milkmen usually travel to Ahmedabad and other centres to replenish their stock and pay prices varying  from  Rs. 100   to   Rs. 300 for a good   milker  of recognised breed............... Most of the milch cattle in Bombay are very highly fed and are kept in large stables .........................As with buffaloes with cattle importation takes place chiefly from Gujarat and Kathiawar, and also from Karachi and Deccan. The best milch cattle are those from the Gir, but most cows from Kathiawar are good milkers, giving from 10 to 12 seers of milk daily. The price of Gir cow averages Rs. 150. The Karachi cow, which is now seldom seen in Bombay is also good milker and costs about Rs.100. The average price of Gujarat cow is Rs. 100. The Deccan cow is undersized, vicious and a poor milker and is therefore rarely found in Bombay dairies. It is most difficult to rear young buffalo-calves in Bombay and 95 per cent of them die as a result of a somewhat unnatural life and of a grain diet, while the calves of cows on the other hand thrive well in the city.

"Bullocks are yearly imported to the number of about 5,000 come principally from the Deccan and Berar and are used for draught purposes. The average price of a first class bullock ranged from Rs. 50 to 100. The price varied according to breed i.e. Deccan bullock Rs. 50, Khandesh bullock Rs. 80, Mysore bullock Rs. 100 and Gujarat bullock Rs. 150.

"There are two buffalo-davnis and one bullock-davni in the city, the former being situated in Falkland Road and DeLisle Road, and the latter at Haines Road. In these places the cattle-bazar is held daily, the animal being brought and sold by brokers and the owners of the davnis receiving a commission on the sale price.

''Horses: Anderson notes in his English in Western India that several attempts were made during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to introduce a breed of English horses into Bombay but the efforts failed owing to the difficulty of keeping the animals alive during the long voyage to India. By 1,800 the importation of horses from the Persian Gulf had become a recognised item in the trade of port, and auction sales, at which big prices were paid, were often held under the Tamarind tree on the old Bombay Green. The horses now imported into Bombay are mostly Arab, Australian and Persian, with a certain number of English, and the very large trade is carried on within the city. In the middle of last century most of the horses required for the army in Bombay and Bengal were purchased in the Arab stables of Bombay. The importation of Australian horses dates from about the year 1847. These horses are imported practically all the year round while the import of Arab horses lasts only from October to February in each year. The Arab horses are imported to the number of about 3,000 every year and reach Bombay via Bagdad and Basra. Small batches of country bred horses from Kathiawar, Marwar, the Deccan, the Punjab and Baluchistan are some times seen in Bombay. About 45 per cent of all the horses imported into Bombay are sold for private domestic use, from 5 to 10 per cent of Arabs and a smaller per­centage of walers are sold for racing purposes, and the remainder aretaken by the Government Department and by Native States. The export trade in horses is small.

"Other Animals: A few goats of common breed are privately kept in the city, but most of the sheep, which come from Marwar, Ahmedabad and the Deccan as also the small and inferior kinds of cattle are only imported for slaughter. Dogs are imported from England, Japan and China. No cattle shows are held in Bombay, but a horse and dog show is held annually upon the Oval in the month of February."

Table No. 5 gives the statistics of agricultural stock including live-stock since 1925 to 1948 in Greater Bombay.

TABLE No. 5
AGRICULTURAL STOCK IN BOMBAY SUBURBAN DISTRICT AND BOMBAY CITY FROM 1925 TO 1948

	Bombay Suburban				Bombay City
	1925	1935	1945	1948	1925	1935	1945	1948
For Plough:
Oxen	6,432	7,117	5,942	2,419	101	7,765	6,503	4,979
He-buffaloes	718	856	321	104	20	163	15	17
For breeding:
Bulls	266	98	197	18	160	90	48	44
He-buffaloes	60	149	475	134	125	153	102	159
For other purpose:
Oxen                     ..	2,238	17	278	18	22,270	45	40	19
He-buffaloes	282	4	108	153	317	5	2	1
Female Stock above 3 years
Cows	3,800	5,053	108	1,566	3,345	2,179	2,055	2,399
She-buffaloes	5,547	12,444	24,601	19,524	17,831	22,764	19,070	18,108
Young stock:
Calves	3,289	4,865	3,082	1,260	2,089	1,517	1,447	1,747
Buffalo Calves	1,574	2,535	2,131	2,648	2,996	3,451	3,136	2,637
Total bovine population	24,245	33,138	41,055	27,844	49,254	38,032	32,418	30,040
Horses and ponies ..	447	538	275		8,224	4,527	5,822
Sheep	212	106	1,905	111	715	291	256	312
Goats	4,179	6,528	5,365	2,387	24,335	19,577	11,517	11,704
Ploughs:*
Small	2,731	2,408	1,758		32	44	32
Large	4	4	38			1
Carts :
For Passengers	629	397				2,166	57
For Goods	2,920	1,982	1,680		16,599	3,340	2,768

Source.—Statistical Atlas of Bombay State, 1925 and 1950.
* Some iron ploughs were shown under small ploughs in 1925.

Table No. 6 gives the live-stock population as per the live-stock census of 1951, 1956, 1961, 1966, 1972 and 1978 in Greater Bombay District.

TABLE No. 6
LIVE-STOCK IN GREATER BOMBAY AS PER 1951, 1956, 1961, 1966, 1972 AND 1978 LIVE-STOCK CENSUS

	1951	1956	1961	1966	1972	1978
Cattle	17,415	17,386	14,260	13,241	11,849	8,217
Buffaloes	47,492	76,464	87,401	91,116	91,543	73,822
Sheep	1,777	8,175	8,526	2,571	6,678	3,078
Goats	26,475	22,615	27,106	13,145	26,002	19,634
Horses and ponies	3,657	2,843	2,268	1,158	995	1,187
Other live-stock	4,394	7,169	10,394	4,560	7,792	8,615
Total Live-stock	1,01,210	1,34,652	1,49,955	1,25,791	1,44,859	1,14,553
Poultry	1,00,703	1,46,507	1,96,039	2,29,820	2,59,528	2,69,501

Source.—Statistical Atlas of Bombay State , 1925 and 1950.

Bullocks are now used for pulling of cart, by the cartmen, while cows and she-buffaloes are mainly kept for the purpose of breeding and milk production. Catties found in the city belong mainly to the imported varieties. The most important among them are the Dongri and the Khilar, besides some local non-descript varieties. Among the buffaloes, the Surati and the Delhi varieties are most commonly found. Generally the buffaloes are kept by persons from U.P., called Bhayyas, in their cattle stables (gothas or tabelas). In addition to the bovines, the city has a large number of ovines usually kept for skin and flesh. Goats are more numerous than sheep, probably because the latter do not accli­matize to this region. Goats fetch better prices for their flesh in the market. Horses were kept for pulling carriages and tongas, while the best horses are at Mahalaxmi Race Course.

The pigs of exotic breed of Yorkshire are reared on a planned and systematic basis at the regional pig breeding farm nearby, and are distributed as breeding stock to the cultivators on co-operative lines. They sale pigs to the Bacon Factory at Borivali.

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DAIRY ACTIVITIES AND MILK SUPPLY

Greater Bombay Milk Scheme : The population of Greater Bombay has been multiplying over the last 100 years. The growth of population accompanied by improvement in the standard of living of the people has led to a tremendous increase in the demand for milk. In fact the demand for milk has almost been insatiable. The conditions of milk supply in the pre-Independence days were totally unsatisfactory. During the Second World War, a kind of milk. famine ensued in the city. The Bombay Government took some concrete steps to avert the situation of milk scarcity. Stable owners in Bombay were permitted to import from outside the equivalent of dry cattle becoming non-milchy every year. The Government set-up salvage farms at Jamner and Palghar for the protection of dry buffaloes. The Government made arrangement for distribution of milk at cheaper and concessional rates to the consumers. A scheme of Rs. 3.6 crores was operated for implementing this programme during the war time. Mr. M. D. Bhat, who was the Municipal Commissioner in those days, was appointed the fiist Milk Commissioner and his jurisdiction was confined to Greater Bombay alone.

After Independence the State Government undertook a scheme for procurement and distribution of milk and purchased 1,295 hectares of land at Goregaon, and established the Aarey Milk Colony with a full-fledged milk dairy in 1950. This public sector undertaking was a great boon to the Bombay man who was hitherto the victim of unwholesome, impure and adulterated milk supplied by milkmen. This undertaking could not cope-up with the increasing demand for milk, and hence a large section of the population had to depend upon private unwholesome milk supply. This prompted the Government of Maharashtra to establish more milk processing and supplying dairies in the city. In 1958 the post of Milk Commissioner was replaced by the Commissioner of Dairy Develop­ment. The Dairy Development Department of the State Government established two more dairies, at Worli in 1962 and at Kurla in 1975.

The Government Milk Scheme, thus, comprises three dairy plants in Bombay. Besides, the Government accorded sanction for establishment of the fourth dairy owned by the MAFCO at Goregaon in the public sector (29th October 1976). The work of construction of this dairy was commenced in 1978 by the National Dairy Development Board. Later on this dairy project was amalgamated with Maharashtra Rajya Sahakari Dudh Mahasangh Mary adit on 27th June 1983. The dairy is now named as Mahanand Dairy. The actual milk collection and distribution of milk by this dairy was started from 18th August 1983. Now the milk require­ments of consumers in Bombay are met from the Aarey, Worli, Kurla and Mahanand dairies as also from private traders.

Milk is supplied to the Greater Bombay Milk Scheme from Chalisgaon, Chiplun, Dhule, Khalapur, Kolhapur, Mahad, Miraj, Nashik, Palghar, Shahapur, Solapur, Jalgaon, Pune, Aurangabad, Nanded, Udgir, Akola, Amravati and Nagpur. Some quantity of milk is produced at the Aarey Milk Colony where a number of stables are located.

About 88 per cent of the milk procured in the State is distributed in Greater Bombay and nearby towns like Thane, Dombivali, Kalyan, Ulhasnagar, Bhiwandi and Vashi. A major quantity of this milk is distributed in Greater Bombay alone. The dairy distribution of milk rose to 12.45 lakh litres in 1983-84 as against 2 lakh litres in 1960-61. During 1984-85 the quantity of fresh milk received by the Greater Bombay Milk Scheme amounted to 36,51 lakh litres, valued at Rs. 1,44,51 lakhs.

Milk brought from various centres is transported in insulated trucks, vans and tankers. It is received at the dairies at Aarey, Worli and Kurla. It is pasteurised in modern plants. The pasteurised milk at Aarey and Worli dairies is stored in big insulated tanks. Thereafter the milk is bottled, sealed and stored in cold storage at a temperature below 12.77°C. The Milk pasteurised at Kurla Dairy is supplied to consumers in pre­packed polythene bags of one litre capacity and distributed through private transport agencies as also Government tankers.

The quantity of whole, cow, standardised, double toned and full cream-milk distributed during the year 1984-85 amounted to 37,22.96 lakh litres, valued at Rs. 1,68,92.21 lakhs. The quantity and value of other products distributed during 1984-85 are given below :—

	Product	Quantity in lakhs	Value (Rs in lakhs)
1.	Energee Milk (No. of bottles of 200 ml.)	179.96	323.93
2.	Ghee (kg.)	15.19	683.56
3.	Paneer (kg.)	0.26	7.21
4.	Table Butter (kg.)	4.10	155.66
5.	Cheese	0.15	5.87
6.	Shrikhand (kg.)	0.28	6.83
7.	Ice Cream (cup)                  ..	0.96	2.40
8.	Masala Milk (No. of bottles of 200 ml.)	0.70	2.09
9.	Cream	3.58	66.53
10.	White Butter (kg.)	0.69	23.23

Statistics of Milk Distribution Centres in 1984-85

	Type of Milk Centre	Nos.
1.	Ex-Dairy Parlour (Aarey Sarita)	22
2.	Government Centres	2,368
3.	Ex-Dairy Centres	1,606
4.	Aarey Dairy Parlours	12
5.	Z Centres	286
	Total	4,294

The other information of the three dairies is given below:—

Dairy	Year of establishment	Original value of machinery as on 31-3-1985 (Rs. in lakhs provisional)	Installed capacity per day (lakh litres)
Aarey	1950	141.89	2.5
Worli	1962	341.80	4.5
Kurla	1975	330.52	4.0

Mahanand Dairy : The Mahanand Dairy set up in the co-operative sector with an installed capacity of 4 lakh litres per day receives its milk supply mainly from the district milk unions at Jalgaon and Kolhapur. Additional supplies are also obtained from other unions when necessary. The value of plant and machinery, and building during the first phase of the dairy is Rs. 5.33 crores. The milk procured by the Mahanand Dairy from Jalgaon, Kolhapur and other unions in 1984-85 amounted to 2,85,38,783 litres, valued at Rs. 9,17,59,296. The quantity of whole, toned and skim milk distributed by this dairy during 1984-85 amounted to 9,12,934, 3,08,73,344 and 74,199 litres, respectively, valued at Rs. 11,63,55,508.

These dairies are equipped with scientific equipment and qualified personnel. The Dairy Development Department has also provided research and training facilities in milk technology. There is a Dairy Science Institute at Aarey which admits 30 students every year for a two years course for Indian Dairy Diploma (Dairy Technology). The diploma is awarded by the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (I.C.A.R.) Sub-Committee on dairy education, Karnal. The Dairy Science Institute also conducts courses of six and three weeks duration for the benefit of the secretaries of milk co-operative societies, live-stock supervisors and for the dairy farmers. Four Sunday training programmes on dairy husbandry, fodder farming, dairy technology and poultry keeping were also conducted for interested social workers. The New Zealand Hostel at Aarey is constructed from donation given by the Government of New Zealand. It commands a panoramic view of the Borivali forest and shallow ravines nearby.

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TENURES AND TENANCY

Agriculture occupies a very miner position in the economy of Bombay at present. The study of tenures and tenancy of agricultural land in Bombay is, therefore, mainly of historical interest. The Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island of 1909 and the Thana District Gazetteer of 1882 give a vivid and exhaustive account of the systems of land tenures prevailing in the past. It may be of great interest to refer to these Gazetteer volumes for detailed study. What is given in the subsequent paragraphs is a summary of the systems of land tenure in the past.

Pension and Tax Tenure : This tenure appears to have been prevailing since the days of the Portuguese occupation of Bombay. No rates and assessment were fixed for lands held under the Pension and Tax Tenure, nor  were then the measurements of lands held under this tenure recorded prior to Col. Laughton's Survey. The rents were " lump sums " bearing no uniform proportion to the quantity or value of the land for which the rent was paid. The term " Pension " takes its origin from the Portu­guese word Pencao which means, when applied to the estates, a payment for enjoyment of land, the bonus or the premium paid for the fee-simple on the compromise of doubtful tenure. It was not a quit-rent. It was only a royalty rent acknowledging the Government as lords paramount. The payment of the "pension" dated from the Aungier's Agreement of 1672.

The "Tax" of 10 per cent on the produce of landed estates was intro­duced from 1758 to meet prodigious expenses, to build fortification and other works for the security of the inhabitants. A notification was issued requiring all the Fazindars in Bombay and Mahim to render the Collector an account of the annual produce of their land in order to enable him to levy the tax laid on them. In the beginning the Fazindars objected to the proposal. A few months afterwards the accounts were submitted by the Fazindars, but in the enquiry the Collector found that the estates were under-valued and he directed the Vereadores and some of the private Fazindars to inspect and consider these accounts carefully and to deliver their opinions thereon. This they did on the 19th and 22nd January 1759. The Collector reported to the Government that according to the Vereadores' account, the estates were estimated at  Rs. 77,000, and the tax should be levied on this estimate. On the Collector's report the Board passed the orders that the tax of 10 per cent be collected.

In 1774, the inhabitants prayed that this "Tax" might be relinquished, which was imposed in 1758 by the then Governor for raising money for maintaining the war with the French and promised to relieve the same as soon as the war was over. But it remained until the first decade of this century. Some lands under this tenure paid only Pension, some only tax.It is difficult at this distance of time to assign a reason for such a distinction. Lands used for charitable purposes had been exempted from Pension or Tax. The free-hold nature of lands held under the Pension and Tax tenure and their non-liability to enhanced assessment had always been recognised by Government. The land held under this tenure was found in the Fort, Girgaum, Malabar Hill, Colaba and in the Mahim Woods. Its area at the date of Colonel Laughton's Survey was 2,251 acres and 2,225 square yards.

Fazindari Tenure : It was a kind of sub-tenure, closely associated with the Pension and Tax Tenure. It was a sub-tenure between a private proprietor and his tenant. It is not known how and when it originated, but it is unquestionably of long standing. The owner of the land under Government was known as Fazindar. Land under this tenure was let for building purposes, without in most cases any formal agreement, and subject to a low annual ground rent. The earliest record of this tenure found in the Collector's Office was a report by the Vereadores of the 14th December 1782. But long prescription, according to the report, appeared to have changed the nature of this tenure. The Fazindar of subsequent period had no interest in the land beyond the annual rent, and this had been recognized in numerous compensation cases under the Land Acquisition Act, in which the invariable practice was to award the Fazindar no more than the capitalized value of the rent.

Quit and Ground Rent Tenure: Quit-rent originally implied freedom from liability to military service. From 1718, many strangers were invited to settle on the island. Up to 1718, the new tenants-at-will were probably under an implied engagement to afford military service whenever required. The tax was imposed on all the inhabitants residing within the town walls. The imposition of their tax changed the ancient constitution of the island by commuting military services (But if Aungier's convention reserved personal service of the tenants in every part of the island, it is not apparent how the introduction of the quit-rent on lands in the Fort alone redeemed it. Possibly the levy of this rent in the Fort was sufficient to raise a militia in times of war) for a quit-rent. In 1720 a petition was presented to the Board by the principal inhabitants, setting forth that the quit-rent was a heavy tax on them and desiring to be relieved from the same. On the 30th September 1720 the quit-rent was reduced to one-half by a resolution of the Council. The exact principle on which this tax or quit-rent was based is not known. In 1731 an attempt was made to equalize this quit rent. In 1732 the Bombay Government suggested to the Court that all the quit-rents should be remitted, and indeed they were discontinued until 1734, when the Court of Directors replied that they could not agree to take off or abate any of the taxes whatsoever.

After the fire of 1803 the Company's Council was consulted as to the measures which should be adopted for ascertaining in future the Company's right to the property and "whether it might not be proper and desirable to have a full and accurate plan of the whole island distin­guishing the Company's property from others in order that they might be at liberty to raise the rates of such property possessed by the tenants-at-will or others, where the present state of value of land would bear it". Mr. Thriepland, the Advocate General, however, had suggested a general survey of the island for the purpose of increasing the revenues derived from it.

The plan for re-building the Town was determined upon, but the most wealthy of the natives formed a combination to resist by legal means any mode of lining out the new streets which should tend to intersect the old foundations or to prevent their re-building on them. The Town Committee expressed a decided opinion that the plan should be adhered to and pursued with firmness, vigour and expedition but subsequently moderated their views and in consideration of the losses by fire sustained by the people, suggested that the assessed proprietors should be given full compensation for their lands except for the portions required for widening the streets. The efforts of the Town Committee to carry their plans into effect entirely failed. The natives ultimately succeeded in their opposition and in their desire to rebuild on the old foundation.

Another kind of tenure, also styled quit and ground rent, but distinct in its nature, originated with the New Town. While the inhabitants in the Fort and the Old Town were offering every kind of opposition to the improvement of the portion destroyed by the late fire, matters were taking a different turn in another part of the island. On the 17th February 1804 the Collector reported that he had resumed and delivered over the land to the Town Committee. The allotments made by the Town Committee formed what was known as the New Town. The lands so resumed formed a part of those which had been recovered from the sea and had become known as Salt Batty Grounds. The lands in the New Town appear to have been allotted on the same terms as those given oat in the Old Town. Until in 1878-79 the lands in the New Town were amalgamated with those in the Old Town and had since then officially recognised as falling under Quit and Ground Rent Tenure.

In 1813 Captain Dickinson completed his survey of the Fort and submitted his report, in which he classified the different tenures under which the lands in the Fort were held. Mr. Warden, Chief Secretary to Government, examined Dickinson's report on the land tenures in Bombay. Mr. Warden in his report of 20th August 1814 thoroughly reviewed the subject and differed in opinion from Dickinson as to the right of the Company to resume possession of any portion of the groundwithin the walls of the Fort excepting such as might be held on special leases.

In 1818 the Collector and the Revenue Surveyor brought to notice the rights of Government. In May 1822, the Advocate General, Wodehouse, made the classification of these lands and considered the lands of the first class as inheritable property and those of the second as lands let to hire, and of course resumable at the pleasure of the Com­pany. The Committee of 1837 thought that the Government had the power of altering the rent on these lands. Mr. Showell writing in I860, proposed a building rate of 6 pies (12 1/2 reas) per square yard. In 1872 Colonel Laughton suggested that the rate of 6 pies per square yard should be applied to all lands covered with buildings, no matter under what tenure the land might be held.

The power of Government to raise the rents on these lands seems always to have been a vexed question. The Government had recognised the equitable rights of the holders in case of lands held under this tenure. They had placed these lands on the same footing as Pension and Tax lands by extending to them the right of redemption on payment of 30 times the amount of the rent of the holdings pay less than Rs.10.

Quit and Ground rent land was situated in the Fort, Old Town, New Town and in Colaba, the portions benefited by the fortifications for which the tax was mainly raised. The area covered by this tenure, according to Colonel Laughton, was 973 acres and 682 square yards.

Toka Tenure: The word "toka" means a share.of the produce, and the assessment on " toka " lands was formerly paid in kind. Toka lands were also described as " Sweet Batty " grounds and " the greater part of the Company's original nine villages, viz. Parel, Bomnolly Coltem, Naigaum, Wadala, Matunga, Sion, Dharavi, Cassabay of Mahim and Worli". Toka lands were situated on the north-east of the island from Sion to Sewri and comprised area of 1,489 acres and 764 square yards. The early history of these lands shows that the Kunbis or tenants who cultivated the lands could be removed at the pleasure of Government. A considerable portion to the sweet batty grounds came into the possession of the Company by confiscation after the Sidi War in 1677. The Jesuits' lands and Rama Kamati's property also devolved upon the Company in 1692 and 1720, respectively. In 1733, some of the cultivators of Company's batty grounds deserted the island and fled to Salsette, in consequence of being forbidden at the instance of the Court of Directors to manure their lands with kuta or fish manure. The Company in consequence experienced considerable difficulty in getting tenants, and in 1734 they complained to the Court of Directors of want of husbandmen on the island. Then the Court allowed the use of kuta. In 1751 the Board considered that the batty lands would produce larger annual rents if thye were farmed out in open market. The lands were auctioned accordingly and let as  follows :—

Batty grounds in —
(1) Parel                     ..          Rs. 2,605       (2) Sion                       ..      Rs.1,300
(3) Dharavi                 ..          Rs.   273         (4) Matunga               ..      Rs.1,965
(5) Wadala                 ..          Rs. 1,761       (6)Naigaum             ..          Rs.   982
(7) Bomnolly             ..          Rs.  530          (8) Mahim and Worli            Rs.   144

This farming system did not work well. Though it brought a little more revenue to the Company, it kept the Kunbis or actual cultivators at variance with the farmers who were never known to relax their demands even in times of scarcity. However the farming system was eventually abolished in April 1800, from which date the Kunbis paid their dues direct into the Collector's Office. The effects of the farming system were far more disastrous to the Compan^ than might at first be supposed.

After the abolition of the farming system in 1800, the original system of paying in kind appears to have relaxed by this time and the Kunbis had the option of paying their toka either in kind or in money, the commutation being made every year at the market price determined by the Governor in Council. The collection of the toka varied from Rs. 23 per muda and upwards. Once in the year 1803 it rose to Rs. 45. Rent Committee of 1837 thought that the toka lands were subject to as heavy a tax as they could afford to pay without driving them out of cultivation. The option of the tenant to pay in kind was annulled and all payments since that year were invariably in money.

In 1876 the Collector, Mr. Arbuthnot, reviewed the state of these lands and revived the right of Government to an increase of assessment. The rates of assessment he proposed were (1) one pie per square yard on lands at Parel, Naigaum and Bomnolly, half a pie on lands at Matunga and Wadala and one-third on lands at Sion and Dharavi. " It is impossible ", he added," in Bombay to charge different rates for rice land, garden land, building land, grazing land". His rates were guaranteed for 50 years from that date. The guarantee expired in 1929 when a general revision of these toka lands was to take place.

Foras Toka Tenure : This kind of tenure appears to have originated during the administration of the Portuguese Government which, with a view to encourage industry and agriculture, allotted to the cultivators of the toka batty grounds, certain pieces of land of an inferior quality subject to the payment of a very small rent denominated "Foras". This species of land was therefore, usually styled by the natives Tokache Foras that is Foras grounds attached to toka batty grounds. The distribution of these spots was usually left to the Vereadores and Mhataras. The Foras toka lands came to be alienated from the toka by the tenants disposing of them to others at higher rates of rent, and to such an extent that after a time the relation between the two tenures became hardly perceptible.

There was no proper detailed survey of these lands, neither was there any measurement of them. It is suspected that a large quantity of this land had been included in the Foras lands referred to in subsequent pages and had thus been enfranchised as freehold under the Foras Act. The remaining Foras-Toka lands were after Colonel Laughton's Survey of 1872, amalgamated by Mr. Arbuthnot in 1876 with the toka lands and have since then shared their fate.

Kurleet Tenure : There was in some parts of the Mahim District another description of ground called Kurleet which paid a "petty tribute" to Government. It consisted chiefly of high and rocky ground, such as could not be cultivated with batty. One-third generally of the produce of this ground was the tax levied upon it. The cultivators of this kind of land were always in the habit of changing their plots, creating thereby a corresponding fluctuation in the branch of the revenue under this head. These lands were also in course of time merged in toka lands.

Foras Tenure : The lands designated " Foras " play a very important part in the history of land tenures in Bombay. They are also known as "Salt Batty" grounds, a term expressive of their origin as having been reclaimed from the sea which traversed the island in different directions, finding outlets for itself at Back Bay, Mazagaon and other parts, and dividing Bombay into a cluster of islands. Foras from the Portuguese word foro, the meaning of which is ' 'rent' but in this island it appears to have denoted the particular rent.

The old salt batty grounds were recovered from the sea by means of the Vellard between Sion and Mahim, while the new salt batty grounds were recovered by means of the Hornby Vellard. The recovery of these lands from the sea took place in the early part of the eighteenth century. In 1738, on the expiration of the leases under which the lands were held free of rent, a resolution to re-let the properties was adopted. In 1740, a publication was issued, giving notice that the Company were willing to receive proposals for farming the same in parcels or in whole and offering ground for cultivation at the low rate. In 1744 the rent was increased, and in 1748 a new measurement had taken place. Some time in the year following (1790), Mr. Smyth, the Collector, laid before Govern­ment a report on the subject of these lands, their origin and tenures, and the encroachments. To ascertain and protect the Company's rights, Mr. Smyth recommended an immediate survey of all the lands. The encroachments continued upto 1804. In 1805 the question of the respec­tive right of the Government and the holders of these lands was for the first time put to a legal test. The question of raising the rent on the salt batty grounds was taken up in 1812. The Government issued a notification on 1st November 1813 that "The Right Honourable the Governor in Council adverting to the very low rents which have hitherto been paid to the Honourable Company by their tenants-at-will of the new and old salt batty grounds, the last augmentation having been from 6 to 9 reas the square burga only, has resolved to increase the same in a nearer proportion to the value of the grounds. It is hereby therefore notified that one-third of the produce of the above lands will henceforth be annually collected by Government, commencing with the crop of 1814 and such tenants as refuse to comply with the above resolution of Government will be turned out of possession".

But the holders of these grounds strongly resisted, and in a memorial not only stated their objections at length, but denied the right of the Government to make the increase and revived the old question of the Company's right to anything more than the then existing rent. The case was submitted to Mr. Mocklin, Advocate-General for opinion. Mr. Mocklin's answer to these questions was in the negative. He was clearly of the opinion that Government had not the right either to increase the rent or to resume the lands at their pleasure. In consequence of this opinion, the measure for increasing the rents was suspended, and the matter referred to the Court of Directors in 1815. The Court replied that "the possessors have a fair pretention to consider them­selves as owners of the inheritance, subject to the rents they now pay and also subject to the burthen of keeping vellards erected for their defence against the sea in thorough repairs. We cannot but presume that the present possessors will gladly accept the recognition of their titles upon this condition, and we authorise you to set their minds at rest by making grants accordingly in perpetuity". Difficulties appear to have occurred in carrying into the effect these directions due to lack of survey of this property and hence the arrangement was postponed until completion of the survey of the island.

A survey was made of this description of property by Mr. Tate in 1827, but it was a general one only and was not effectual for this purpose. From that date upto 1836 no measures were adopted for the same but in 1836 when the Grant Road was projected, the lands., on which it was constructed being "Foras", the question of the Government's right of resuming them was revived. The Rent Committee replied on this question in 1837, that such a right as also the right of ownership still appertains to the Company with respect to all Foras grounds in the Island of Bombay. Again several times this question was preferred to the Rent Committee for opinion. In 1851, Foras Act VI confirming the holders in their posses­sions subject to the rents then payable, was passed by the Legislative Council of India and a Committee was appointed to carry out the provisions of the Foras Act, which fixed different rates to be paid as compensation according to locality. The Foras lands were situated at Byculla, Parel, Worli, Upper and Lower Mahim, Dadar and Matunga with an area of 3,408 acres and 3,266 square yards.

Inami Tenure : The lands in Bombay which fell under this tenure were situated mainly at Naigaum, Parel, north-east of Sion, Fort and a small portion near Dadar and Dharavi. Inam lands pay no assessment to Government nor judi or cess of any kind. The area was roughly 5,714,940 square yards. The grants were made to the Lowji (Wadia) family in 1783, 1821 and 1885 on account of the excellent services they rendered as shipbuilders to the Company. The Inam lands at Sion comprised in the grant of 1821 were exchanged with certain lands in the Thane district in 1885.

Leasehold Tenure : Farming of leases was common in early years but regular leases began to be executed in 1758. Leasehold land is held under various conditions and for terms varying from 21 to 999 years. Leases may be divided into old leases and new leases, the old leases, being those granted prior to the year 1894 and the new leases, subsequent to that year. Old leases may be classified under (a) Byculla (Mazagaon) leases, (b) Colaba leases, (c) Kamathipura leases, (d) Leases on the verge of the Esplanade, (e) Esplanade leases, (f) Bombay leases and (g) Port Trust leases.

Old Leases : The Mazagaon or Byculla leases were granted between the years 1758 and 1796 and were all for a term of 99 years. Some were renewable while others were not. The Colaba leases were introduced in 1824. Kamathipura leases appear to have had their origin in a Government letter to the Collector, dated 24th July 1844, prohibiting the issue of sanads. The lands were put up to public anction and leased to the highest bidders. Leases on the verge of the Esplanade were granted in 1855. The Esplanade leases were the only proper building leases in existence in Bombay. They run for 999 years and not renewable. They were framed between the years 1863 and 1865 on the model of London leases. Bombay leases related to lands in various parts of the island and were granted for terms varying from 21 to 99 years. These were granted in payment of the market value of the occupancy right as ascertained by auction sales together with a nominal yearly rental. They are renewable either on payment of fine or on revision of the yearly rental. These are not building leases. Port Trust leases were leases of lands on the Mody Bay, Elphinstone Estate and the Apollo Reclamations. They are leases for a term of 50 years, renewable at the close of the terms for such further period and at such yearly rent as may be than agreed between lessors and lessee.

New and Renewed Leases : In 1889, Mr. Charles, the then Collector of Land Revenue, pointed out to Government the general inadequacy of the rents levied on lands in Bombay and suggested an increase wherever possible in the assessment so as to bear some proportion to the increased value of the land. To give effect to his proposals and to settle the policy as regards the future assessments or new grants of Government land, Government appointed in 1891 a Committee to study the terms of lease and the principles for ground rent determination. The recommendations of the Committee were approved by the Government with the modifica­tion that the amount of annual rent per square yard should not be less than one-third and not more than two-thirds of the estimated value as this would give a safe rental and would leave a sufficient margin for competition. The forms prepared for the same were approved by Govern­ment in 1894. They were the basis of the new leases granted subsequent to the year 1894 and were in use in the Collector's Office.

Newly Assessed : This tenure has its origin in Bombay Act II of 1876. The Revenue Survey of 1872 discovered numerous encroachments on Government lands, more especially on land contiguous to the Inam lands granted to the Wadia family. When the Act was passed these encroachments were all assessed by the Collector under section 8 and converted into lands newly assessed. This tenure also comprises land granted from time to time to private individuals, after the passing of the Act. The circumstances of all grants, however, do not appear to be alike. The land situated in such localities as Mahim, Dharavi, Sion, Matunga and Naigaum were assessed and granted on payment of an annual assessment. In other cases the right of occupancy was sold by public auction and on payment of a yearly rent, while in other cases lands were assessed and converted from leasehold to newly assessed. In 1889 proposals were for the first time submitted to Government by the Collector for enhancement of assessment upon these lands. These proposals were referred to the Advocate-General for opinion who declared that there should not be any specific limit to assessment in the case of these lands. The area covered by this tenure was 3,06,810 square yards.

Tenancy-at-Will : The term tenancy-at-will denotes a tenancy whether under a formal agreement or not, which can be terminated by one month's notice on either side. The tenancies-at-will commenced as far back as 1850. The lands were granted to individuals without any agreement but the formal agreements were made in the year 1870. Most of these lands, were situated at Mahim, Kamathipura and Chowpati. In 1889, Mr. Charles had prepared a statement about the area of the land covered by this species of tenure to be 1,52,518 square yards. He proposed that the rental should be increased but the proposal could not be accepted. Mr. Spence, who succeeded Mr. Charles proposed to terminate the tenancy and then offer  the tenant an option of a 21 years lease at such rate as might be settled by the Collector with the sanction of Government. His proposal was approved by Government in 1890, Mr. Monteath, who had taken Mr. Spence's place, suggested 99 years as the period for the lease and 4 per cent as the basis for rent. The question of the term of the lease and the rate of the ground rent remained undecided until 1898. Mr. Morison again approached Government on this subject and proposed to treat the tenancies-at-will as follows : (a) where buildings had been erected on the lands, to issue notices terminating the tenancy but giving the occupant the option of having his tenancy renewed on a 30 years lease in outlying and 50 years lease in central localities at a rental fixed on the 4 per cent basis and (b) where no buildings had been erected, the tenancy to be terminated and the occupancies sold by auction on some specific terms. The sanction of Government to the course proposed under this tenure was accorded in some uses. The area of Government lands held under tenancy-at-will was 74,512 square yards.

Sanadi : The sanads of Bombay covered a period of 40 years from 1814 to 1854 during which 828 sanads were issued by the Collector. They relate to portions of ground mostly in the New Town and issued to individuals for building-sites. They were mostly of three different types, with exception of a few specially made for some specific purposes. The first of these types under which the grantee was a mere tenant-at-will at the mercy of the Government was in use from 1815 to 1823. This type was modified by the Government in 1823. In consequence of this the grantee felt greater security in his tenancy and could hope for a more equitable return for the loss of his occupancy and for the value of improvements made by him. The type was in use until the issue of Sanads was countermanded by Government in 1844. The third type was only used in the case of the grants of land in Colaba. The(Colaba) Sanads which were 188 in number were all granted between May and December 1815. The issue of Sanads was countermanded by Government order in July 1844, when Govern­ment ordered that no Government ground should be given except under lease for a certain period of years. No separate rent-rolls about the exact nature of the Sanads were prepared, the lands having been entered in the rent rolls for the quit and ground rent lands and receipt bills issued under that tenure. It was not till 1903 that the long forgotten Sanads were brought to light. The Sanads were thereafter very carefully indexed and in May 1904, Government offered the holders of Sanadi lands a more permanent tenancy of a 50 years lease. The rent for these lands was fixed according to the types. These orders were subsequently modified in April 1906 and again in 1908 by a further offer of conversion into quit and ground rent tenure on payment by a holder.  (Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol II (1909), pp. 335-414)

Leasehold Villages in Salsette : " The term khot or revenue farmer is incorrectly applied to eighteen holders of large estates, comprising fifty-three villages in Salsette. These estates have in all cases been granted by the British Government."

"In almost all of these leases the rental is specified in mudas, or rice measures, and not in cash. This muda calculation was made according to a system peculiar to Salsette, called the tijai or one-third. Under this system the ' Government rental' is found by multiplying the quantity of dhep by two, dividing it by three, and multiplying the quotient by twenty the number of rupees at which each muda of land is assessed.

"Except the Kurla and Malad estates, which were given in exchange for land in Bombay, the estates were granted to encourage the investment of capital in land, the increase of population, and the growth of better crops. Except the Kurla, Malad, Pavai and Goregaon estates, which are held in free simple or freehold, these leased villages were charged fairly high rentals, and in most cases were subject to the following conditions. Lands occupied at the time of the lease on the shilotri, or according to some deeds, on the suti tenure, were not to become the lessee's unless he satisfied or bought out the incumbents. The happiness and prosperity of the people were to be promoted, and the lessee was to protect and befriend them. The lessee was to build reservoirs and embankments, to sink wells, and to grow the better class of crops. The rates of assessment were not to be raised, and no innovation was to be introduced without express sanction. The lessee was to continue all village charitable and religious allowances. Waste land was granted free for forty years. On the forty-first year all land except what was totally unfit for tillage was to be assessed. The lessee was to recover and pay into the treasury, over and above the amount mentioned in his lease, all amounts due on leases granted in the estate. The village was not to change hands without Government leave. The lessee was to possess and exercise the authority of a farmer under Chapter VI of Regulation XVII of 1827. But he was to exercise no magisterial or judicial authority, unless it was duly conferred on him. He was not to make or sell opium, poisonous substances, tobacco, or hemp flowers. The Collector was to have power to inspect the village, and examine what improvement and progress were made. Suits regarding the lease were to be brought in the District Court. Any new system of revenue introduced by Government in other villages of the district was to be applicable to these grant villages."

" ..................... Although these leaseholders style themselves proprietors, they cannot claim the ownership of the soil, for the Court of Directors were most reluctant to part with the ownership of the soil and its alienation was jealously watched......................."

"Another large estate of 3,688 acres, exclusive of salt marsh, was granted by deed dated 1870 to Ramachandra Lakshmanji of Bombay, on a lease of 999 years, in the villages of Ghodbandar, Bhayandar and Mira. This estate was granted because the villagers refused to keep the large Bhayandar embankments in repair.

“The conditions attaching to the grant were that the lessee should pay a yearly rent of £ 679 (Rs. 6,790); that he should keep the embankments, dams and sluices in repair; that he should demand no rent from inamdars; that he should demand only survey rates for suti and varkas lands; that he should keep boundary marks in repair; that he should pay patils and hereditary officers claims and allowances; that he should not interfere with rights of way; that he should surrender land free of cost for the Bhayandar railway station; that he should give notice of the assignment of lands; that he should not assign lands without leave; and that the salt marsh lands were liable to resumption if not reclaimed within twenty years." (Thane District Gazetteer (Revised Edition), Government of Maharashtra, 1982, pp. 428-29)

This system underwent some changes from time to time, and ultimately, the Khoti system was abolished in accordance with the progressive land legislation after Independence.

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